[1] Borlengh was named director of the Interunion Committee, and thus given the twin responsibilities of coordinating policy among the myriad unions in the CGT, as well as resolving conflict as it appeared.
The CGT presented its first platform in 1931, drafting a program calling for a guaranteed freedom to organize, greater pay and benefits, and a formal say in public policy, among other reforms.
Sparing use of strike actions and intense lobbying, particularly on Borlenghi's part as the Interunion Committee head, resulted in Congressional passage of the landmark Law 11729 (formalizing labor contracts in the service sector), in 1936.
[2] The decision did not permanently divide the labor movement, however, because one of the coup's leaders, Lt. Col. Domingo Mercante, was tied through family connections to the railway workers' union.
The Railway Union's chief counsel, Juan Atilio Bramuglia, seized this opening to create a close alliance with the government, and was joined in these talks by Borlenghi and Pérez Leirós (whose banned CGT-2 was larger).
[5] The president's confidence in Borlenghi was buttressed by the creation of the Federal Security Council in 1951, which included transferring the National Gendarmery and the Naval Prefecture (akin to the Coast Guard) from military control.
Others soon followed, though the Peronists' main opposition, the centrist UCR, refused this approach, leading Borlenghi to publicly blame them for the continuation of the state of siege declared in April.
[4] Borlenghi, who was in Italy at the time of the coup, had his home ransacked by troops - an incident which destroyed a great volume of documentation pertaining to his role in Peronism.
[6] Borlenghi never abandoned the idea of Perón's return to power, and in early 1961, he held informal discussions with Che Guevara on the possibility of an alliance between Fidel Castro's new regime and the Peronist movement.