Suleiman played a crucial role, observing everything from a loggia in the Hippodrome, while Pargalı Ibrahim Pasha actively oversaw the proceedings and presented extravagant gifts to the sultan and the princes.

[15] In 1534, Ibrahim Pasha wrote to Mustafa, confirming the receipt of a letter from the prince discussing matters in the Aegean and updating him on his father's successes in the Baghdad campaign.

Mustafa received a grand welcome from high-ranking officials, and the entire army camp paid homage as he proceeded to his father's tent, reminiscent of the reunion of Jacob and Joseph after a prolonged separation.

The Süleymanname, a history commissioned by Suleiman, further emphasised Mustafa's exceptional treatment during this encounter, avoiding explicit mention of any prior issues between father and son.

[20] While serving as the district governor in Amasya, he effectively established a reputation as a supporter of poetry and scholarship, a guardian of the populace, a dispenser of justice, and a congenial companion to the members of the military elite.

As early as the late 1540s, a Venetian ambassador observed his esteemed martial prowess and the janissaries' fondness for him, presenting him as the universally preferred candidate for the next sultan.

However, the diplomat expressed skepticism, noting that Suleiman had deep affection for his other sons, and Mustafa's rise to power might jeopardise their lives, as they would be at his mercy and could face execution.

[27] The elderly sultan, grappling with health issues, opted for rest, delegating military campaigns to his viziers, possibly due to reluctance to leave the capital and a fear of succession wars even before his demise.

The Habsburg ambassador Gerhard Veltwyck, toward the end of 1545, reported that Rüstem and other viziers were inclined towards a peace agreement due to the discord among Suleiman's sons.

[29] The letter, addressed to Ayas Pasha, governor of Erzurum, and a promising bureaucrat,[30] primarily seeks the discreet support of a high-ranking member of the military elite in anticipation of the inevitable succession wars.

In the intricacies of the early modern empire's political landscape, where explicit declarations are rare, the allusion to Selim serves as a clear and powerful message.

[30] Mustafa's pursuit of support extended to diplomatic channels, as evidenced by his envoy Nebi Bey's mission to Venice shortly before his execution, aiming to secure political and logistical backing for his potential ascent to the throne.

Internal tensions arose among Ottoman forces due to persistent rumors about Mustafa's imminent ascension to the throne, leading Rüstem to camp near Konya as control over his men waned.

To substantiate the claim, Rüstem allegedly had a replica of Mustafa’s seal crafted and orchestrated a fabricated letter to the Safavid ruler Tahmasp, proposing an alliance.

[7] Tahmasp's unwitting response was intercepted by Rüstem's men, who forwarded it, along with news of the rebellious atmosphere in the army camp, to Suleiman as evidence of Mustafa's treason.

The delay, likely influenced by Suleiman's health and the logistical challenges of eastern campaigns, might have been strategic, planning a winter stay in Aleppo before engaging the Safavids in the ensuing spring and summer.

[36][37] Suleiman departed from his capital with Rüstem on 28 August 1553 with a splendid display, unfurling seven banners symbolising his authority over seven climes to counter rumours of his eldest son's potential ascension.

The positive reception to Mustafa indicated the cautious dynamics within the Ottoman family, recognising that refusal to attend the audience could be perceived as an act of rebellion.

Following a somber funeral prayer in the nearby town of Ereğli, Mustafa's corpse was hastily transported to Bursa, the former Ottoman capital and a burial ground for many dynasty members.