[4] Political memoirist Petre Pandrea, who left hostile notes on Voitec being born in a city of "idiots", also claims that his paternal lineage was Czech, and that Ștefan had eight sisters.

[5] As reported years later by politician Ștefan Andrei, Voitec adhered to a moderate strain of socialism, which presupposed toleration of Christian religiosity and even a personal belief in God.

[13] By February 1926, Voitec and Lothar Rădăceanu had joined the Federation of Socialist Parties, which they represented at negotiations to form a political alliance with the PCR front organization, or Peasant Workers' Bloc (BMȚ).

Trotskyist David Korner acknowledged that Ghelerter helped him circulate pamphlets and recruit affiliates, including inside the PSU itself, but criticized him for his trust in "bourgeois legality".

In July 1937, a notice published by the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia claimed that the PSU had become an adversary of proletarian solidarity, to emerge as a "Trotskyist agency planted in the bosom of Romania's working class.

Anti-communist Pamfil Șeicaru recalls validating his employment as editor at Evenimentul Zilei by 1943; he was to work on a "political dictionary", whose purpose was to familiarize Romanians with key concepts in the field.

[13] On September 3, Voitec, alongside Constantinescu-Iași, Mihai Ralea, Stanciu Stoian and others, produced an appeal calling for a purge of "criminal elements [from] Nazi and Nazi-camouflaged organizations", including the Iron Guard.

[69] In March 1945, Voitec joined Parhon, Simion Stoilow, and George Enescu as an honorary patron of the People's University, which was linked to the Romanian Society for Friendship with the Soviet Union.

[70] The same month, he intervened to stop Sever Bocu and other National Peasantists from creating the regional University of Timișoara, only allowing a School of Medicine and Faculty of Agronomy to be formed.

[72] From September, he issued specific orders for "book cleansing" of school libraries, including the elimination of foreign publications, and, in 1946–1947, introduced instead material put out by "democratic publishing houses".

"[75] A "disciplined minister" in respect to the PCR line, his tenure was marked by an officially-endorsed Stalinist campaign in education, as well as by measures taken to remove and replace non-communist teachers and professors.

[84] Voitec and Rădăceanu's positioning was noted by Titel Petrescu, who had also emerged as an opponent of the Groza cabinet; he insisted that both men hand in their resignation from government or quit the party, but the PSDR Executive Committee defeated his resolution.

This text suggests that Voitec placed ambition over ideals, in that he wished to ascend politically, even hoping to fill in as Romanian Ambassador to Italy while preserving his ministerial office.

[106] The following month, Sergiu Iacovlov, a National Peasantist enrolled at the Iași Faculty of Medicine, was killed in mysterious circumstances, prompting his party to allege a communist conspiracy "to exterminate the opposition".

[119] Fusion talks dragged on to November, also due to opposition from PCR leaders Pătrășcanu and Teohari Georgescu; though he depicted Voitec as an opportunist, Gheorghiu-Dej sanctioned the union, noting that the communists' main priorities called for "liquidating the social democratic brand.

[127] In October 1947, Voitec addressed a congress of the teachers' unions, underscoring the education was to be reformed to "remove destructive ideology from Romanian culture and, above all, from the minds of youths"; in the coming age, dialectical and historical materialism were to be recognized as the bases of all schooling.

[152] During September 1949, a PMR internal report raised suspicion about Voitec and Constantinescu-Iași, singled out for their friendship with Bruno Manzone, head of Bucharest's Italian Institute and alleged spy.

"[154] In his memoirs of communist imprisonment, Zilber argues that Gheorghiu-Dej wished to fabricate a show trial of Voitec, Rădăceanu and Pas, preparing George Ivașcu as a witness for the prosecution.

During their stay there, they held receptions which were attended by, among others, Louis Aragon, Emmanuel d'Astier de La Vigerie, Pierre Cot, Waldeck Rochet, and Jean-Claude Servan-Schreiber.

[175] Tomašić notes that, in 1961, Voitec was still only an "outer-ring" leader of the PMR, speculating that he was mistrusted, and deemed unworthy, "because of his Social-Democratic past, his university education, his intellectual cast of mind, and also because of his Italian wife".

[191] In April 1976, he reported to the Assembly on the institution of a Legislative Chamber of the People's Councils, which, Ceaușescu argued, was meant to democratize decision-making in the field of economy, particularly by vetting the Five-Year Plan.

He spoke to them about establishing a new type of communist unity, around "independence, full equality, and respect for each party's right to autonomously enshrine its own general political line, strategy, and revolutionary tactic"; he also highlighted the importance of cooperation with social democratic and progressive groups.

He and Ion Popescu-Puțuri, alongside manuscript editor Augustin Deac, curated the complete works of Marxist doctrinaire Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea, appearing at Editura Politică between 1976 and 1983.

[196] From 1977, Voitec, Niculescu-Mizil, Răutu and Rădulescu were assigned to a preparatory committee for the 15th International Congress of Historical Sciences, which was held in Bucharest in 1980—and which Ceaușescu ultimately used for broadcasting Dacianist theories.

[201] Voitec and the President appeared together to cast their vote in the local elections of November 1982—part of a group which also included Elena Ceaușescu, Niculescu-Mizil, Emil Bobu, Miu Dobrescu, Suzana Gâdea, Alexandrina Găinușe, Nicolae Giosan, and Ilie Verdeț.

[202] By 1983, Radio Free Europe was commenting on the growth of Nicolae Ceaușescu's personality cult, noting that charismatic party leaders were disappearing from group photos as time progressed.

[196] According to newspaper reports, Voitec had been registered as a voter in post-communist Romanian elections as late as November 1996; based on his address, he had been assigned to the Jean Monnet Section, in Primăverii.

[212] Tismăneanu notes that Voitec was once regarded as the would-be theoretician of Romanian moderate socialism, "one who was so very well acquainted with the works of Karl Kautsky and Eduard Bernstein", and therefore fully educated about the critique of communism from the left.

"[214] However, in 1949, anarchist Alberto Casanueva argued that ministers such as Voitec, Gheorghiu-Dej, and Mihail Lascăr had lost prominence because of their failure to uphold the Soviet line, whereas Pauker and Pârvulescu were rewarded for their staunch Stalinism.

He intervened in favor of sociologist Henri H. Stahl, brother of the disgraced Șerban Voinea, who had publicized his unorthodox belief that Romanian history was rooted in "Asiatic despotism" and had introduced his pupils to Bernstein's work.