It lasted for four months until leaders of the Christian Reformed Church – its Dutch American members comprised the majority of the labor movement – publicly denounced the efforts of workers, effectively ending the strike.

[3][4] The Grand Rapids' furniture businesses at the time were so influential that they were able to engage in price fixing the industry beginning in 1898, controlling thirty percent of the national market.

[4] By the early twentieth century, Grand Rapids experienced some of the largest economic growth in the United States at the time; the city's value added by manufacturing was forty-second in the country, ahead of Atlanta, Denver, Omaha, Portland and Seattle.

[3][1] The incident inspired other workers in different factories who became a charter of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America (UBCJ), affiliate of the American Federation of Labor.

[1] The FMEA responded with a letter dated March 1, 1911:[1] We understand that certain officials of an organized body of workmen of the city have expressed a wish to confer with us about the management of our business.

[3] The board of aldermen in Grand Rapids condemned such practices, stating that importing workers "cannot but have serious effect upon the social conditions in this city, both because of the large number of unemployed which will result ... [a]nd the bringing in of men of questionable character"[3] Furniture manufacturers were also aided by the American Home Furnishings Alliance, with furniture businesses agreeing to slow production so they would not outcompete Grand Rapids.

[3] Auxiliary Bishop Joseph Schrembs of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Grand Rapids expressed support for the striking workers on May 3, noting the deplorable conditions of their living and the low wages they received.

[9] Sprague responded by drawing his weapon and firing in the air, temporarily dispersing the crowd and entered the plant with a detained man who attacked him.

[9] Fire trucks then began to arrive on the scene and soon after, Mayor Ellis approached the demonstrators and praised their passionate actions, but ultimately called on them to return home.

[7] In The Grand Rapids Herald the following day, Mayor Ellis called for one hundred citizens to join the police force, stating "The gathering of large crowds near factories must be discontinued.

[3][5] The furniture factory businessmen, who lived in nearby mansions in the Heritage Hill neighborhood, attended Fountain Street Church and fearing a loss of contributions from the wealthy members, Reverend Alfred W. Wishart expressed disapproval of the strike.

[3][5] The strike ultimately did not achieve its objectives and the event resulted with lasting changes to the structure of labor and governance in Grand Rapids.

[3] Thousands of workers then decided to abandon their jobs in Grand Rapids and sought to continue their careers in regions where they were provided more compensation.

[1] Following the signing of the Clayton Antitrust Act of 1914 into law, furniture businesses in Grand Rapids faced financial crisis as they were intertwined with local banks, beginning their trajectory of decline.

[7] Before the strike, furniture businesses in the city resisted any economic and political changes that negatively affected their interests in subtle approaches, but after the labor movement grew local businessmen began to establish power through a formal route of municipal office-holders.

[10] In 2020, the city's Task Force on Elected Representation proposed establishing four wards with two representatives after being approached by the groups Empower the Citizens and GR Democracy Initiative.

[12] The Spirit of Solidarity was initially proposed by citizens of the West Side in the 1980s, though funding for the material and logistical work for the statue's location required years to finalize.