[4][3] Cemal Gürsel İsmet İnönü Col. Talat Aydemir Gen. Faruk Güventürk Following the 1960 Turkish coup d'état, the military National Unity Committee (MBK) purged the formerly governing Democrat Party, oversaw the drafting of a new constitution and returned power to elected civilian authorities.

[5]: 131 [6] Following the dismissal of the fourteen hardliners, the High Command continued to steadily remove officers whom it regarded as unreliable, and to make new appointments of those who would not oppose the return to democracy.

This statement, issued on 28 June 1961, offered assurances that the planned civilian regime would not be able to take action against the coup leaders of 1960, and that the sentences of the Yassıada trials would be carried out promptly.

The general election result prompted Talat Aydemir and his associates to begin mobilising their supporters to use force to prevent the return to civilian rule.

[16] Instead of supporting the junior officers, the army High Command intervened to oblige the leaders of the four largest parties to sign the Çankaya Protocol, guaranteeing the continuation of the reforms instituted after the coup, granting immunity to those who had led it, and agreeing not to stand any candidates for the presidency against Cemal Gürsel.

Politicians who had been removed from office by the 1960 coup were preparing to make a rapid return to public life: the newly formed Justice Party began examining possible grounds for the pardon of those still held in detention after the Yassiada trials.

A particular flashpoint was the funeral of the Democrat Party's Minister of National Education, Tevfik İleri which saw young people protesting against the coup for the first time and demanding the release of political prisoners.

The Generals and Commanders at that meeting supported Sunay's proposal but Talat Aydemir and the Colonels who attended stated that they did not agree and that a military intervention was necessary.

The list of names included including Selçuk Atakan, Emin Arat, İhsan Erkan, Haldun Doran and Şükrü İlkin (commander of the Presidential Guard Regiment) as well as Talat Aydemir[20][22] When Aydemir learned that the transfer order had been issued, he gathered about 600 recent graduates of the Military Academy and made a speech to them at 3pm, explaining the events of recent days.

If this action does not succeed, I will commit suicide.”[13][4][19]The expressions chosen as passwords and signs alluded to Enver Pasha and the 1913 Ottoman coup d'état that took place outside the chain of command.

[4][20] On the morning of 22 February the battalion guarding the parliament building went over to the rebels units loyal to Aydemir were effectively in control of central Ankara, including the radio station.

With unchallenged air superiority, İsmet Inönü's government made preparations to bomb the Army War College with jets from the Murted airbase.

[13] Aydemir and his colleagues announced their aims as the dissolution of the Grand National Assembly, the resignation of the government and the passing of the administration to them through the suspension of the Constitution.

[4] At noon on February 22 Cihat Alpan was appointed to replace Şükrü İlkin as commander of the Presidential Guard Regiment protecting the Çankaya Mansion.

When Fethi Gürcan seized the radio's transmitting station in Etimesgut with his troops, İnönü's broadcasts stopped, but he was able to resume his addresses through the transmitter at Ankara Esenboğa Airport a few hours later.

It became clear to Aydemir that no further units were intending to join him, that his forces were surrounded, and that the government, political parties and High Command were steadily regaining the upper hand.

[4] When İnönü entered the Grand National Assembly on February 23, he was given an unprecedented standing ovation from deputies of all parties, who expressed their gratitude and confidence in the armed forces.

[14] The students of the Military Academy were given a week's early leave and the school was temporarily closed and Semih Sancar was appointed to head it in place of Talat Aydemir.

[13] İnönü's conciliatory approach avoided holding a number of trials that would have caused discord and embarrassment to a government working to restore calm and order following the return to civilian rule.