The SPO and Ivan Đurić of Union of Reform Forces during the campaign called for an election boycott over but ultimately dropped after the government agreed to most of their demands in late November.

[6][7] With the death of Josip Broz Tito, the leader of Yugoslavia, in 1980, the country was faced with economic issues, constitutional problems, and a rise in ethnic nationalism.

[69] Given that SPS was formed as a merger of SKS and the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia, it inherited a significant amount of political infrastructure, as well as material and financial assets.

[60] According to Bojan Klačar of the Centre for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID), "SPS entered the elections with such a large infrastructure inherited from the League of Communists that it could not have serious competition" (SPS je ušao u izbore sa toliko velikom infrastrukturom nasleđenom od Saveza komunista da nije mogao imati ozbiljnu konkurenciju).

[107] By the end of the campaign, the Serbian opposition, Croatia, Slovenia, and Western countries viewed Drašković as a more acceptable option as president than Milošević.

[18]: 24  According to historian Kosta Nikolić [sr], the 1990 elections were marked by a series of events characteristic of the transition from a one-party to a multi-party system, such as restricted media for the opposition, regime repression, and a high degree of political intolerance between dissenters.

[112]: 28  On the other hand, the opposition was portrayed as "promoters of war, conflict, bloodshed, and violence" (zagovornik rata, sukoba, krvoprolića, nasilja) and offering "chaos and mindlessness, destruction, political dependence on others, regression, and return to the past" (haos i bezumlje, razaranje, političku zavisnost od drugih i nazadovanje, vraćanje u prošlost).

[116] Mila Štula, a RTB journalist, also characterised Drašković as "a man with a clerical and Khomeini mentality who is also unsuitable for the head of state because he has no children" (čoveka pisarskog i homeinijevskog mentaliteta, koji je uz to nepogodan za vođu države jer nema dece).

[86] A group of 200 journalists from state-controlled media protested on 6 December, demanding press freedom and the resignation of senior officials from RTB and Politika Publishing House.

[86] In the October 1990 opinion poll done by the Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade, 33% of the respondents ranked living standards and economic development as their important issues, with preservation of Yugoslavia coming in second.

[128] Most opposition parties, including SPO, DS, SRSJ, SNO, NRS, ND, and LS, together with presidential candidates Drašković and Đurić, proclaimed an election boycott and withdrew their candidatures.

[31]: 59 [136] Drašković said that "some effort was made towards a reasonable solution" (učinjen je izvestan napor ka razumnom rešenju) and that SPO would not boycott the elections.

[137] He earned the moniker "King of the Squares" (kralj trgova) for his inflammatory and provocative rhetoric during the election campaign;[29][99] his public image was also compared to Rasputin because of his beard and hair.

[140] In early November, Yugoslav Prime Minister Ante Marković and his SRSJ criticized the SPO, labeling it a greater threat than Milošević.

[114] Their president, Milošević, campaigned on presenting himself as a moderate, promising stability, defending Serbia's national interests, and preventing unemployment among industrial workers.

[137][151] While campaigning in early November, Milošević criticised the opposition: "That path to a modern society and a developed society is incompatible with any mystical messages, which like ghosts of the past circulate in some parts of Serbia and which various false prophets and madmen offer to the Serbian people as a pledge of the future" (Taj put u moderno društvo i razvijeno društvo nespojiv je sa bilo kakvim mističkim porukama, koje kao aveti prošlosti kruže u nekim delovima Srbije i koje razni lažni proroci i ludaci nude srpskom narodu kao zalog budućnosti).

[139] Đurić criticised both the SPS and nationalist anti-communists during the campaign in November, arguing that "if we want to join Europe, [...] we need a moderate, authentic, democratic position" (ukoliko želimo u Evropu, [...] potrebna nam je umerena, autentična, demokratska pozicija).

[128] Shortly before the election, Šešelj emphasised his support for monarchism and named the SRSJ and the League of Communists – Movement for Yugoslavia as the "two new evils" (dva nova zla).

[157] "Whoever throws a cigarette butt on the street has done evil to all mankind" (Ko baci opušak na ulicu, učinio je zlo celom čovečanstvu), Ćuić once said during the campaign.

[120] Zoran Hodzera, who monitored on behalf of the Americans and Canadians of Serbia delegation, stated that the "elections would not be considered legal in the West" due to irregularities that occurred.

[170] Political scientist Vladimir Goati reported that while the irregularities occurred – which included unauthorised changes to the electoral roll which favoured SPS candidates – only a few were recorded.

[187]: 147, 157 Mihailović, who analysed the Institute of Social Studies and Centre for Political Research polls, saw that SPS voters were either from suburban parts or villages and mostly from the Central Serbia region.

Most SPO voters, primarily male, high-school educated, and from middle-sized cities in Central Serbia, identified as politically right-leaning, with 26% considering themselves centrist.

[123] Shortly after the announcement of the results, Milošević said that "I understand the duty of the president of the Republic, which I assume by the decision of the citizens of Serbia, as an obligation and responsibility for the realisation of the policy of freedom, peace, and equality of nations and people" (Dužnost predsednika Republike, koju preuzimam odlukom građana Srbije, shvatam kao obavezu i odgovornost za ostvarenje politike slobode, mira i ravnopravnosti naroda i ljudi) and that "Serbia needs to unite now" (Srbija sada treba da se ujedini).

[197] Drašković, alongside Đinđić, Mićunović, Vesna Pešić of SRSJ, and Milan Paroški of NS,[113][198] expressed his demands from the balcony of the National Theatre,[113][197] As the Serbian government sought JNA intervention, Borisav Jović convinced other constituent republics by claiming that demonstrators were attempting to seize the Yugoslav General Staff building and that the police had been dispersed and were unable to manage the protest.

[198] Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina opposed JNA's intervention in the protest, while Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Vojvodina were in favour.

[195] Dušan Mitević, the director of RTB, was sacked, Radio B92 and Studio B were allowed to continue their operations, and all detainees, including Drašković, were set free.

[201] The ethnic nationalist sentiment was also adopted by all leaders of Yugoslav constituent republics; Milošević portrayed the Serbs in Croatia as being on "the verge of extermination".

[207][208][209] After the announcement that the European Economic Community would recognise Slovenia and Croatia, Milošević declared the formation of a "third Yugoslavia" which included Serbia, Montenegro, and Krajina.

[194]: 69  With the 1991 protests, the beginning of the Yugoslav Wars, the creation of FR Yugoslavia, and the introduction of sanctions on the newly established state, all parties agreed that snap elections should be held on all levels.