[1] It was precipitated by the death of the then chairman of the Pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) Ma Lik on 8 August 2007.

The current leader of the Civic Party, Audrey Eu, who was then running as an independent backed by the pro-democracy camp won the by-election with 52.1% of valid vote.

[7] There were concerns that the government wanted to lower the turnout by holding the elections on separate days in order to create a more favorable situation for pro-government candidates.

[8] Although Hong Kong legislative geographical constituencies are elected by proportional representation, the fact that there is only one vacancy turns it effectively into a first-past-the-post race.

Results of previous elections in the Hong Kong Island constituency has fuelled the expectation of 60:40 vote split between the democrats and the loyalists.

[10] To that end, the pro-democracy camp agreed to unite behind a single candidate; the Liberal Party and the DAB bargained behind closed doors.

[14] Regina Ip, the former security chief in the Hong Kong Government who resigned following the 500,000-strong 2003 1 July protest, declared her intention to run on 27 September 2007.

Ip, who had previously been maintaining a "pragmatic" defense of universal suffrage for the chief executive and Legislative Council elections in 2017, said that it could be achieved by 2012 under her proposal unveiled her platform on 23 October.

[17] The people of Hong Kong are ready for universal suffrage and I support its implementation for the two elections in 2012 because the SAR government has failed to put forward any convincing reason for delaying this step beyond that date.However, a local delegate to the National People's Congress, joined the fray on 4 November by saying that it was within the powers of the Central government to decide on a timetable for universal suffrage in the chief executive and the Legislative Council elections.

"If Hong Kong people want universal suffrage earlier, they should show more respect for the powers of the central government" said the former lawmaker Maria Tam Wai-chu.

[20] One of the key questions directed at Ip, asked whether she would be as uncompromising in fighting for universal suffrage by 2012 in Hong Kong as the hardline attitude she took in promoting Article 23.

Ng Hong-man, 82-year-old veteran Hong Kong deputy of the National People's Congress, said Chan had severed ties with Beijing by her past actions.

Ng said she infuriated Beijing leaders by being disloyal to and uncooperative with Tung Chee-hwa whilst he was chief executive; her approval of the City Hall for the assembly of the Falun Gong was also a sore point, as was Chan's accusation that the late CPPCC delegate Xu Simin's intervention over Radio Television Hong Kong had breached "one country, two systems".

Former head of ICAC and Chan's adviser Lily Yam Kwan Pui-ying wrote, "I am sending out this personal appeal to you because Hong Kong is in great danger of being dominated by one voice and one party under different guises, where everyone fears expressing his or her choice and preference.

[32] Alex Tsui, a disgruntled former ICAC official accused Chan of obtaining a 100% mortgage to purchase a flat in 1993 when she was chief secretary, suggesting an abuse of power.

After their surprise victories in the District Council elections the week before, "Ip's supporters ... have escalated their dogging of Chan to the point of harassment, if not outright intimidation" according to political commentator, Michael DeGolyer.

This type of direct face-to-face violence has never been seen in Hong Kong politics:[34] a Civic Party member was sent to hospital after he was injured when an Ip supporter, a failed DAB District Council candidate, tried to snatch his mobile phone, while he took pictures of their activities.