Anti-government protestors argued the bill, and a simultaneous government attempt to alter the 2007 constitution, favoured Thaksin and would potentially allow him to return from self-imposed exile due to a corruption conviction.

[49][50] At the same time, the International Court of Justice confirmed Cambodia's sovereignty over disputed territory near the Preah Vihear Temple, prompting fears of further political tension from analysts, although the border remained calm.

The amendment is thus an effort of its initiators to regain the national government power by the means not recognised by the Constitution [...]Chulalongkorn University Dean of Law Nantawat Boramanand viewed the statement as an expression of disapproval towards the Pheu Thai-dominated House.

The announcement was only based on a preliminary investigation, but if the 308 members were officially found guilty by the commission, they could be banned from politics for five years by the upper house of the National Assembly, which would make the final decision on their cases.

The protesters continued on 27 November by rallying outside another ten ministry offices, cutting off electricity and forcing the evacuation of the Department of Special Investigation's headquarters, and staging a sit-in at the Chaeng Watthana Government Complex.

[95]As part of the speech, Suthep informed the public that the PDRC emptied its bank account before it was frozen at the order of the Department of Special Investigation (DSI), thereby allowing for the compensation of anyone who incurred damage as a result of the protests.

[97] On 4 January 2014, the head of the Center for the Administration of Peace and Order (CAPO), Surapong Tovichakchaikul, announced on live television that anyone who joined the protest movement would be in violation of the Thai Criminal Code.

Surapong described Operation Occupy Bangkok as a serious threat to the stability of the nation and revealed that the government will enact a "capital protection" plan, involving the simultaneous use of combined forces, to cope with the shutdown.

[101][104] On the same day, Credit Suisse analysts, in a document titled "Thailand Market Strategy", stated: "Our worst-case scenario envisions a multi-year continuation of the events of the past eight years—frequent changes of government, raucous street protests and ever-present tensions—but no serious escalation of violence."

[117][118] On 19 January 2014,[113] a security guard based at the rally site of the Network of Students and People for Reform of Thailand (NSPRT) on Ratchadamnoen Nok Avenue was hospitalised by a gunshot from an unknown shooter.

[119] Journalist Andrew MacGregor Marshall expressed his belief that, "They [PDRC] know that they cannot win the February elections, so they will do all they can to prevent the polls from taking place", concluding that, "the prognosis for Thailand is depressingly bleak.

The army's Supreme Commander, General Thanasak Patimaprakorn, urged a peaceful outcome with the interests of the Thai nation of the utmost importance and that any further discussions should be undertaken with an independent mediator present.

Labor Minister Chalerm Yubamrung, recently appointed as the head of the government's crisis response agency, explained that 10,000 police officers would be mobilised to ensure the safety of voters during the election.

[144] The smooth completion of 2 February election did not resolve Thailand's problematic political situation, as issues of remained: first, due to protester blockades, 28 constituencies across eight provinces—Chumphon, Surat Thani, Songkhla, Phuket, Phatthalung, Trang, Krabi, and Nakhon Si Thammarat—failed to register candidates.

Deputy army spokesman Winthai Suvari provided details of the deployment of military personnel in areas of particular concern and a joint operation with the CMPO to ensure the safety of state officials and others.

Furthermore, as part of a case that was filed by PDRC co-leader Thaworn Senneam regarding the validity of the emergency decree, the Civil Court provided a 10 February 2014 deadline for the submission of statements by Yingluck, Chalerm, and police chief Adul Saengsingkaew.

[165] Additionally, National Security Council (NSC) Secretary Lieutenant General Paradon Patanatabutr informed the media that 12 teams were formed to enforce the arrest warrants for the 19 PDRC core leaders.

[166] The Thai Criminal Court rejected the DSI's submission to obtain warrants for the arrest of 13 PDRC leaders—Somkiat Pongpaiboon, Somsak Kosaisuk, Jitrapat Kridakorn, Sakonthi Pattiyakul, Sombat Thamrongthanyawong, Seri Wongmontha, Thanom Onketphol, Luang Pu Buddha Issara or Suvit Thongprasert, Sawit Kaewwan, Komsan Thongsiri, Suchart Srisang, Dr Rawi Matchamadol and Nopporn Muangthaen—on 24 February 2014.

The caretakers cannot pursue policy, so if the people are demanding somebody they can trust to oversee the election after some initial reforms take place, why can't the government make some sacrifices to ensure the country moves forward?

[177] On the evening of 14 February, Suthep said in a speech that he refused to engage in a discussion with Yingluck, regardless of the presence of a neutral third party, citing previous experience that undermined his confidence in the caretaker prime minister's ability to think for herself.

Former MP Jatuporn Prompan, who remained involved with legal proceedings that date back to the 2010 political crisis, assumed the leadership position and spoke with the AFP news agency on the following day.

[200] Political analyst Kan Yuenyong said, "independent agencies are being quite obvious that they want to remove her [Yingluck] and her entire cabinet to create a power vacuum, claim that elections can't be held and then nominate a prime minister of their choice".

[202] The Pheu Thai Party lamented the decision, stating that the country had lost an opportunity to move on and that the court had established an "infamous standard" by which an entire election can be overturned because of disruptions at some polling stations.

The Supreme Administrative Court delivered a final judgment on 7 March 2014 that the transfer was legal, but was unreasonable because it did not appear that Thawin had carried out his duties ineffectively or failed to abide by the policy of the government.

[244] The following day, after negotiations with Col Sombat Thanyawan, deputy commander of the Cavalry Centre who supervised security at Government House, Suthep and the PDRC were granted permission to enter the Santi Maitree building.

"I plead with the president of the Supreme Court, which is one of the three pillars of democracy, to reconsider thoroughly the demands by Mr Suthep and the subsequent proposal made by the not-yet-validly nominated Senate speaker to hold a meeting and appoint a new prime minister," said Jatuporn Prompan, leader of the UDD.

[253] In a statement to the media on 11 February, Yingluck stated that the government possessed the financial means to pay all outstanding debts to the nation's rice farmers and was adamant that the payments will be honoured at the stipulated prices.

[169] However, a Bangkok Post report, published on 12 February 2014, states that the National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC) is expected to bring formal charges against Yingluck following the collation of evidence to substantiate a case regarding the rice scheme.

[258]Yingluck further stated that the BAAC will extend the debt repayment time by six months due to the hardships endured by the farmers, in addition to increasing the loan limit for the upcoming crop season.

"[275] The private Thai think tank Kasikorn Research Center (KResearch) reported in mid-April 2014 that Thailand was at risk of entering into a recessionary period due to the ongoing political turmoil in the nation.