[3] Ian Khama received significant criticism for his handling of these issues, and internal conflicts within the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) deepened.
However, despite Khama's consolidated leadership, 2010 saw a deepening of internal divisions, culminating in a significant faction of the party led by Gomolemo Motswaledi breaking away to establish the liberal Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD).
In response, the Khama administration implemented harsh austerity policies supported by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
[8] Botswana experienced three consecutive years without pay increases in the public service, despite a doubling of inflation in 2009, severely affecting the purchasing power of many workers.
In response, the government conducted mass layoffs of essential workers, which allowed it to outsource and comply with IMF demands to reduce the public sector.
In November 2012, the BNF, the BMD, and the BPP agreed to form the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), marking the first formally registered coalition between major opposition parties since independence.
The alliance participated in the elections by allocating seats among its partners and nominating Duma Boko, the Chairman of BNF, as its unified presidential candidate.
[15] While the opposition remained split, it grew considerably stronger, representing the first substantial challenge to the BDP's uninterrupted rule since Botswana's independence in 1966.
People declared insane, holding dual citizenship, under a death sentence, convicted of an electoral offence or imprisoned for at least six months were not allowed to vote.
[17] Candidates had to be Botswana citizens at least 21 years old, without an undischarged bankruptcy, and had to be able to speak and read English sufficiently well to take part in parliamentary proceedings.
[24] Mindful of the growing discontent, Khama responded with a platform promising change, while highlighting the country's relatively strong economic performance compared to other nations around the world during the global recession.
[25] Their manifesto, released in April 2014, defended the party's track record in government, highlighting that Botswana had been one of the world's poorest countries before independence but had since improved comparatively to other states in the region.
In response, BOFEPUSU aggressively criticized the manifesto, accusing Khama of presenting an overly optimistic picture and labeling the ruling party's claim of establishing harmonious labour relations as "a blatant lie."
"[25][27] The Umbrella for Democratic Change released a 38-page manifesto in which they strongly questioned the Khama government, accusing it of becoming increasingly authoritarian and economically irrational.
[27] Despite attempting to gain support by emphasizing the labour movement's discourse and the 2011 strike's spirit, the UDC manifesto focused more on criticizing the institutional situation under the BDP government than on workers' rights.
[28] Many of their political promises, especially those related to electoral and institutional reforms and decentralization, resembled those of the UDC, with differences primarily in format, particularly concerning housing.
They also proposed sweeping constitutional reforms that would prevent Parliament from passing any legislation restricting freedom of the press and strengthen the Leader of the Opposition's position.
While promises related to women's rights were common in electoral campaigns, the BCP formally committed to promoting affirmative action in this regard.
[28][27] The campaign featured the emergence of unions and private platforms for information dissemination, ensuring a more balanced media coverage after decades of uneven communication favoring the BDP.
[7] BOFEPUSU, in collaboration with the United States embassy in Gaborone, sponsored debates between parliamentary candidates through the private radio station Gabz FM.
[7] The privately-owned newspaper Mmegi prominently displayed a daily countdown to the elections on its front page, featuring photos of the three presidential candidates (Khama, Boko, and Saleshando).
[29] In response, the BCP leadership criticized pro-UDC trade unionists harshly, expressing their surprise at this decision, as BOFEPUSU had previously promised not to publicly support any opposition party, denouncing it as "abuse" by Motswarakgole.
Acting as the scrutinizing officer for the presidential elections, the Chief Justice of the High Court received the nomination papers of the candidates on 20 September 2014, during two time slots: from 10:00 to 13:00 and from 14:30 to 17:00.
Reflecting a trend seen since the country's independence, the Botswana Democratic Party remained the sole political entity to field candidates in all 57 constituencies.
While the vote count wasn't finalized, preliminary results confirmed the BDP's retention of government, albeit with a considerably smaller margin than in previous elections.
Nevertheless, the BDP managed to regain support in rural areas and reclaimed four constituencies in the far north and south of the country, which had previously been held by prominent figures from the BNF and BCP, two of them with an absolute majority of votes.
[33] Benefiting from greater resources and support across various regions, the UDC secured second place with 30.01% of the popular vote and 17 seats, an unprecedented achievement for any political force outside the BDP in Botswana.
[31][34] The virtual dissolution of the BNF upon joining the UDC weakened its support in rural areas, leading to losses in constituencies in the far south of the country previously won in the last two elections.
The UDC also faced challenges in the north, where BCP support was concentrated, resulting in four constituencies where its candidates failed to reach 5% of the votes, with its worst performance in Okavango at 1.71%.
In response to the election results, he initiated a cabinet reshuffle, and Education Minister Mokgweetsi Masisi assumed the position of vice-president and therefore, successor-designate, preparing to take over after Khama's term ended in April 2018.