The move was criticized by the South Korean media and ruling communist parties of the Eastern Bloc because it was considered nepotist.

The congress also saw the WPK and North Korea move away from orthodox communism by emphasizing the Juche idea over Marxism–Leninism, giving the party a nationalistic bent.

[3] The official report said that 155 foreign organizations from 105 countries attended the congress, indicating that 22 delegations remained incognito.

[5] It began with opening addresses by Kim Il Sung, the Executive Bureau, the Secretariat and the Credentials Committee.

[4] All debate participants were Party bureaucrats and technocrats, making it the first congress at which the "revolutionary generation" was not present.

[10] The 6th Congress ended with Kim Il Sung presenting a summary of what had been decided: "(a) Shining victory of the Three Revolutions—achievements in ideological, technological and cultural revolutions; (b) Conversion of entire society along the lines of Juche idea; (c) Independent and peaceful reunification of the fatherland; (d) Strengthening of the solidarity with the anti-imperialist self-reliant forces; (e) strengthening of Party work.

[13] Below is a list of members (and their respective rankings) of the Presidium, full and candidate members of the Politburo, Secretariat and CMC:[14] The 1st plenum saw the "revolutionary generation" retire from their executive posts, surrendering them to the new generation of Kim Jong Il; however, they still controlled the highest organs of power: the Presidium and the Politburo.

[15] The reason for the purge is unknown, but presumably linked to Kim Il Sung's time-consuming consolidation of his son's power base.

[17] Critics accused Kim Il Sung of creating a dynasty, turning North Korea into a feudal state.

[17] An anonymous South Korean critic said, "Hereditary succession of power [was an] inevitable consequence of the elder Kim's irrevocable commitment to the dream of founding a dynasty of his own and of his family",[17] adding that Kim Jong Il's rise to power was proof of the "degeneration" of the WPK into a "thoroughly personalized family affair built up around a personality cult.

[21] The DCRK would be ruled by a Supreme Confederal National Congress (SCNC), with an equal number of representatives from North and South Korea.

[22] However, the WPK leadership named three conditions for North Korea to join the DCRK: (1) Social democratization of South Korea, the ouster of its current ruling class, repeal of the Anti-Communist and National Security Laws and replacement of its military regime by a democratic one representing the will of the people; (2) Reducing tensions with the establishment of a truce and a peace agreement; (3) Reducing American interference in the region, holding open the possibility of improved relations with the United States if it supported Korean reunification.

[23] Man is a social being living in a community called nation, and his struggle for self-determination is waged within the boundary of a nation-state.

[15] According to political analyst Kim Nam-sik, "They [changes] represent a marked departure from the fundamental principles of communism, and a new orientation for the North Korean future in the 1980s.

"[25] From this perspective, the revolutionary task given the working class by the other socialist regimes became the sole responsibility of the leader in North Korea.

[25] In North Korea, Kim Il Sung was considered a "Great Leader" with a decisive role; he was cited by official media as the man who established the WPK and founder of the Juche idea.

[26] Because of this, Kim Il Sung was not "elected" WPK General Secretary; the position was bestowed on him by divine right.

[27] At the 6th Congress, Kim Il Sung attached more importance to relations with Third World countries than to unity in the socialist camp.

[27] Nevertheless, North Korea still received massive funds and aid from the Soviet bloc, the People's Republic of China and relations with the United States would remain bitterly cold.

While North Korea argues that independence and proletarian internationalism are not exclusive, in orthodox communist theory they are.