The Muslim Fulbe (Fulani) form the major ethnic group, though Tikar, Gbaya, and other peoples are present in lesser numbers.

These included the Mbum (Mboum), Ndoro (Dourou), Kutin, (Koutine), Laka-Mbere, Chamba, Doayo, Fali, Mundang (Moundang), and Tupuri (Toupouri).

They called the area Fumbina or Mabina (a name which denoted the present province as well as territories in present-day Nigeria and the Central African Republic).

The Mbum, Ndoro, Kutin, and Laka-Mbere moved to the present-day province's northern reaches, while the other Sudanese migrated even farther.

Those groups who were immediate neighbours to the warring Fulbe, such as the Vute and Gbaya, dislodged others who lay in their path, such as Cameroon's Bantu peoples.

Nachtigal kept a keen eye out to notice what groups lived in the region, what their relations were like with their neighbours, and what resources could possibly be exploited from the area.

The Adamawa Plateau was now largely pacified, and the Germans pushed north toward the important trade town of Garoua.

From 1902 to 1903, Germany allowed most lamidos to stay in power, albeit under German supervision; rulers who refused to cooperate were replaced.

The colonials also encouraged the Islamisation of the area's non-Muslim inhabitants, as this would place them under the rule of the lamidos, who were already submissive to the German governor.

Germany's 1916 defeat in Africa in World War I eventually gave control of the territory to the French, the region's third occupying force in less than a century.

The events eventually led to Mbida's expulsion from the prime ministry and his replacement by Ahmadou Ahidjo, a Muslim from the country's north.

This was largely due to an Ahidjo partisan named Moussa Yaya, whom Biya and the press accused of trying to turn the lamidos against the new leader.

The Gotel and Mambila Mountains at the border with Nigeria are largely composed of granite, which gives way to crystalline and metamorphic rock such as mica, schists, and gneiss.

Volcanic rock occurs in the northwest just east of the Gotel Mountains and northeast of Ngaoundéré, the provincial capital, along the border with the North Province.

Due to the reservoir (which holds two million cubic metres of water), the Djérem forms an important source of hydroelectric power for Cameroon.

A long history of volcanism has also created a number of crater lakes in the province, the results of collapsed volcanoes filling with water.

In addition, a small portion of the Parc National de Boumba Ndjida extends into the territory from the North Province.

The Cameroonian government has made efforts to persuade Fulbe herdsmen to adopt sedentary ways, but the nomadic traditions show little signs of change.

To their south lie the Nyem-Nyem, called Suga by the Mbum, in the northern third of Mayo-Banyo division and along the west bank of the Meng River.

The sedentary Fulbe are more numerous and inhabit most of the province's major towns, including Banyo, Tibati, Tignère, and Ngaoundéré, the capital.

In addition, temperatures dip from November to January, as conditions similar to those that cause winter in temperate climes take at least a tentative hold.

Nevertheless, many Fulbe herders transport their cattle to the big markets of Yaoundé and Douala for sale (some make it as far as Gabon and Congo).

Near Ngaoundéré and Banyo, these are called Fulani zebu, large and meaty animals with dark-brown hides and white spots.

The government-run Institut de Récherche Zootechniques (IZR) and SODEPA have established a handful of modern cattle ranches, as well.

For example, leatherworking is an important industry in Ngaoundéré, as evidenced by the Société des Tanneries et Peausseries du Cameroun (STPC) factory.

Ngaoundéré is the gateway to the province, and it is most easily accessible from southern Cameroon via the "Transcam II" rail line.

A number of lamidos allow tourists to visit their palaces, for example, such as the ruler of Ngo, who receives nobles every Friday and Sunday.

However, the Fulbe tribe is spread throughout the country, especially in the three northern provinces, and together they form a significant bloc that Cameroonian politicians cannot easily ignore.

The Cameroonian government permits these rulers to hold their own courts and to keep their own jails, something human rights groups have pointed to as problematic.

Most schools are located in larger towns or in the capital, meaning that students often must travel long distances or live away from home, particularly at the secondary level.