[3] By the end of the Algerian War, the PCA had been severely organizationally damaged; many of its leadership had been killed or arrested and its decision to subsume large parts of its membership within the ALN reduced its influence significantly.

During this period, the party did emphasize a demand for Algerian independence, though this invariably resulted in harsh repression and, consequently, a diminished size and reduced organisational capacity.

[14] During the 1930s, the party was left in disarray due to continued French repression in Algeria, as many of its leading figures were subject to arrest and police surveillance.

[18] This continued boosting the PPA's popularity with an Arabic population in Algeria, who felt the PCA was increasingly subordinated to the concerns of Pieds-Noirs in the industrial centers and their preoccupation with European affairs.

[20] On top of this, the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact threw the entire international communist movement into confusion, given the sudden switch from the previous emphasis on anti-fascism forced upon it by the Soviet Union through the Comintern.

[23] Towards the end of the war, the PCA's hostility towards the US contrasted with the warmth many Algerians felt towards America in light of the Atlantic Charter of 1941, which lent legitimacy to the nationalist aim of independence.

[29] The party began releasing publications and conducting meetings in Arabic to widen its appeal, and attempted to forge closer links with nationalist movements such as the Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto (UDMA).

[34] As a result of their focus on non-violent struggle, the attacks orchestrated by the National Liberation Front (FLN) in November 1954 took the PCA, like most of Algerian society, by surprise.

[35] Sticking to its focus on non-violent struggle, and pressured by its pacifist-leaning European members, it released an obscure statement on 2 November condemning violence, though whether this was directed at the perpetrators or the French administration's response to the attacks was not clear.

[35] In private, the PCA did begin supplying the newly formed FLN with arms, despite outwardly adopting a position of deliberate ambiguity so as to ensure it was given room by the French colonial administration to continue organizing publicly.

[37] Despite this, the PCA suffered immensely from government repression, given its position as the most widely known radical group (the FLN was still relatively obscure in the early years of the Algerian War).

[41] Over the course of the late 1950s, the PCA was disproportionately targeted by French authorities due to the fear of communist influence in the context of the Cold War, and was often held accountable for FLN orchestrated attacks during the Battle of Algiers.

Following the end of the Algerian War, the PCA began agitating openly again, capitalizing on the absence of rival newspapers to extend the popularity of its publications Alger républicain and El-Hourriya.

[5] During the Algerian War, the PCA initially operated independently through the creation of its own combatant units called Combattants de la Libération (CDL).

[51] During the 1930s, the PCA was still largely subordinated to the political situation of the French communists, and this severely impacted its appeal to Algerian members, who felt marginalized in a party concerned primarily with anti-fascism in Europe.

During the 1930s, the PCA was forced, along with the PCF, to support "popular front" aims and therefore reduce the emphasis on Algerian independence to avoid weakening the anti-fascist alliance in France.

[53][27] Despite this, the PCF continued to reject the idea of Algerian independence until 1959, largely due to its attempts in mainland France to form part of coalition governments with more liberal parties.

[55] The CPSU commanded significant influence over the PCA's policy program through the Comintern, particularly in the 1930s due to concerns over maintaining alliances with non-communist countries in Europe in order to repel fascism.

[57][58] The CPSU criticized the FLN's later banning of the PCA as a blatant attempt to appeal to Western nations keen to prevent communist influence in newly liberated colonies.