[6] Three narratives concerning the events exist: The Uzbek government did however acknowledge that poor economic conditions in the region and popular resentment played a role in the uprising.

[2][13] The protesters initially asked for the release of 23 local businessmen who were arrested on 23 June 2004 and charged with "extremism, fundamentalism and separatism".

[14][15] Some accounts suggest that the arrests occurred as part of a purge of allies of Andijan's long-time provincial governor, Kobiljon Obidov, who had been impeached and replaced with Saydullo Begaliyev, allegedly at the behest of President Islam Karimov.

[14] Melissa Hooper, a US lawyer in Tashkent who worked with the defense in the trial, said on 14 May, "This is more about [the businessmen] acquiring economic clout, and perhaps refusing to pay off the local authorities, than about any religious beliefs".

Andrei Grozin, head of the Central Asia and Kazakhstan Department of the Institute of CIS Countries, said in an interview conducted by Rossiiskaya gazeta that authorities used the trial to "take away the business of several entrepreneurs under a clearly trumped-up pretext".

Some reports indicate indiscriminate firing by government troops, including the use of snipers, automatic rifles, and armoured personnel carriers.

[31] Juraboy, a citizen of Andijan, led a Radio Free Europe correspondent to a mass grave on the far end of the city on 27 May 2005.

Vitaly Ponomaryov, director of the Central Asia Program at the Moscow-based Memorial Human Rights Center, said, "planes flew out of Andijon beginning late in the evening on 13 May.

One man, speaking of the previous days' events, said, "People were raising their hands up in the air showing they were without arms but soldiers were still shooting at them".

[33] On 14 May thousands seeking to flee the country stormed government buildings in the eastern frontier town of Qorasuv, 50 km east of Andijan.

[34] Saidjahon Zaynabitdinov, head of Appeal, an Uzbek human rights organization, said 200 people were killed in Pakhtabad district on 14 May when government troops fought with a group crossing the border into Kyrgyzstan.

"[9] Numerous journalists were forced to flee the country following their coverage of the massacre, including Galima Bukharbaeva and German reporter Marcus Bensmann.

[27] A press release on the same day on the official government website continued to maintain that "As a result of the clashes, 9 people died [sic] and 34 were injured".

[28] In 2008, defector Ikrom Yakubov, a major in the SNB at the time of the incident, alleged that 1,500 people were killed – over twice the highest number estimated by outside observers.

[5] In October 2005 an Uzbek court found several Kyrgyz citizens guilty of several crimes revolving around involvement in the Andijan massacre.

[42] In a 60-page report based on 50 interviews with victims and witnesses of the Andijan crackdown, Human Rights Watch said the killing of unarmed protesters by the Uzbek government on 13 May was so extensive and unjustified that it amounted to a massacre.

[43] The song "Anda Jonim Qoldi Mening" (English: Over There Remains This Soul of Mine) about Andijan by Sherali Jo'rayev was popularized by the incident.

In April 2006 an Uzbek court ordered the American Bar Association to end its activities after it gave funding to local non-governmental organizations.

[citation needed] The Uzbek government ordered Central Asian Free Exchange to leave on 7 July on the grounds that it had an "unregistered logo" and lacked an "Internet license".

Urban Institute received an order to shut down on 12 July because their officials discussed "the socioeconomic and sociopolitical situation in Uzbekistan" during a "training session for a homeowner society", a violation of their charter.

[citation needed] Other organizations that were ordered or pressured to leave Uzbekistan shortly after the Andijan massacre include Global Involvement through Education, Ecumenical Charity Service, Eurasia Foundation, Freedom House, the International Research & Exchanges Board, Counterpart International, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the American Council for Collaboration in Education and Language Study, Internews Network, BBC World Service, Ezgulik, and the Uzbek branch of the UNHCR.

Uzbek Foreign Minister Vladimir Norov stressed the need to respect Uzbekistan's sovereignty when an EU delegation met with officials from Central Asian governments in Astana, Kazakhstan on 27–28 March.

[57] The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, composed of Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, characterized the Andijan massacre as a terrorist plot.

[58][59] The SCO passed resolutions in July 2005 calling for nations to deny asylum to Uzbek refugees from Andijan in Kyrgyzstan.

[60] Andijan protesters had called for help from Vladimir Putin, but Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov told a press conference after meeting with the foreign ministers of Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) member nations, "Uzbekistan is not a CSTO member, and we don't interfere in the internal affairs of other countries".

[24] When asked about the government's response to the incident, State Department spokesman Richard Boucher said the U.S. government has been "very consistently critical of the human rights situation in Uzbekistan, we're very concerned about the outbreak of violence in Andijan, in particular the escape of prisoners, including possibly members of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, an organization we consider a terrorist organization.

Governor Obidov's involvement in several political scandals lost him favor with President Karimov, who personally attended his impeachment proceedings.

According to an anonymous source who spoke with EurasiaNet Obidov "was the province's master... businesses favored by the hokim got the green light for everything.

In late 2004 Karimov appointed Ikromkhon Nazhmiddinov, who succeeded Begaliyev as the Minister of Agriculture and Water, Governor of Ferghana province.

Rustam Burnashev and Irina Chernykh of the Central Asia-Institute argue that rumors of Karimov's resignation due to ill-health prompted the two leaders to try to seize power.