[2] Because Habash thought that the reclaiming of Palestine was a community effort, the dissemination of a united Arab identity was critical for collective action following the establishment of the new State of Israel in 1948.

This Arab nationalist approach meant an uncompromising hostility to Western imperialism in general, and Israel in particular, as the movement took a lead in the formation of anti-Zionist doctrine.

[4] However, another faction moved towards Marxism, including Habash and Nayef Hawatmeh, which brought them into conflict with Gamal Abdel Nasser and increasingly led them to place a heavier emphasis on socialism than pan-Arab nationalism.

[6] In addition, the differing systems of government in the Arab countries forced the ANM branch organizations to adapt to local conditions, and it became increasingly difficult to find common ground.

[5] Their failure was also propelled by the defeat of Egypt in the 1967 Six-Day War, which had led to the discrediting of Nasserism, and forced the ANM to play down its uniting, pan-Arab creed.

[2] The failure of the ANM resulted in the creation of other parties, also created by Habash such as the PFLP which later became a strong force for Palestinian liberation and Arab unity.

His opposition to the 1955 Baghdad Pact, his anti-Western stance, his decision to nationalize the Suez Canal and the subsequent tripartite invasion of Egypt in October 1956 made Gamal Abdel Nasser become a very popular figure in the pan-Arab movement.

Jordanian and Palestinian people cooperated in the Movement, in order for it to become a large umbrella for opposition activities, especially after Jordan united with the West Bank in 1950.

[8] This movement took some important aspects of the ANM political ideology, such as the rejection of any compromise with Israel and the belief in an act of revenge laying in Arab unity.

After resistance inside Oman was broken in 1975, the group remained as a minor military and political force based in the sympathetic neighboring state of South Yemen, which had backed the Dhofar rebellion, until the 1980s.

In early 1968, a Maoist faction headed by Hawatmeh broke away from PFLP to form the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP, initially PDFLP).

But in addition to that, the specific circumstances of the occupied territories have led to dual pressure from the radical Islamist opposition of Hamas, on the one hand, and the patronage resources available to Fatah through its control of the Palestinian Authority on the other.

The Saudi branch gave birth to the Arab Socialist Action Party – Arabian Peninsula, a Marxist-Nationalist faction aligned with the PFLP.

In 1962 the Syrian branch, until then a small group of intellectuals almost all of whom were Palestinian, reacted to the break-up of the United Arab Republic by establishing a mass-movement calling for immediate re-unification with Egypt.

The Ba'ath Party and its allied officers almost immediately after the March coup began purging Nasserists from power, with dismissals, transfers and arrests during the spring of 1963; the ANM was viewed as one of the most serious threats, because of its numerical force and ideological appeal to the Ba'athist constituency.

The Ba'ath-ANM tensions culminated in a Nasserist coup attempt led by Jassem Alwan that was struck down in July, 1963, after which Nasserism and the ANM in particular was a spent force in Syria.

The ANM entered the Arab Socialist Union, but both the Hawatmeh and Habash loyalists later reconstituted themselves as independent parties, and the ASU itself splintered repeatedly during the Syrian 1960s and early 1970s.