In addition to participation in international organizations, it is important for the Faroe Islands to continue and strengthen their relations with the other countries in the Arctic area, particularly Norway, Iceland, Greenland, Denmark, the United States and Canada.
[10] Denmark ratified the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 2004 and following this submitted documentation for territorial claims north of Greenland among other places in the Arctic.
[7] Previously, Danish foreign policy towards the Arctic had almost only concerned the relatively limited military defense of Greenland and the bilateral relationship with the United States.
All things considered, the larger focus on Arctic Policy post 2009 has been somewhat surprising, since it was a standard practice for Danish Prime Ministers to downplay Greenland's importance to Denmark after the Cold War.
[9] In addition, former Danish Prime Minister, H.C. Hansen, signed a secret agreement in 1957 that gave the United States access to store nuclear weapons at Pituffik Space Base in Greenland (formerly Thule Air Base), and there has generally been a geopolitical element in Denmark's interests in Greenland, which successive governments have chosen to nurture without too much publicity.
[9] As a demonstration of the capacity to find peaceful resolutions in line with the principles of the Ilulissat Declaration, a joint working group was established by the Danish Ministry for Foreign Affairs in collaboration with the governments of Greenland and Canada.
[17] The ruling was effectively influenced by the presence of privately funded Danish expeditions in the area, predating the Kingdom of Denmark's official interest.
[17] In a modern context, this signifies the necessity of having the determination to claim and explore territories considered part of |the Kingdom, along with the availability of resources, including financial and other capacities, to implement such ambitions.
[18] While the threat posed by Russia - as put forward in the strategy - primarily revolves around its military capabilities, China's involvement in the Arctic is viewed more as a political challenge.
[19] This poses a significant issue, particularly for the United States, who aims to maintain a certain distance from its global rival in relation to the North American continent, where Greenland is geographically located.
Examples of this vulnerability occurred in 2022 when an undersea communication cable leading to Svalbard was deliberately severed, as well as the 2022 Nord Stream pipeline sabotage.
As a small state, it is central for Denmark to work together with international partners to actively collaborate in keeping the Arctic peaceful and avoid military tension in the area.
[3] The Danish constitution from 1953 gives Denmark certain prerogatives, for instance in foreign- and security policy, that have potentially far-reaching consequences for Greenlandic and Faroese autonomy, which establishes a hierarchical relationship.
As such, the Kingdom approaches health and social sustainability from a collaborative perspective to draw on new technological opportunities and knowledge within the Nordic region and new partners in the rest of the Arctic.
[32] Around 2009, the Faroese Government began to reconsider their political stance and place in the debate regarding the Arctic, and the first official document was released in 2010.
[36] The Faroe Islands recognize how NATO's 2030 Strategy Concept document puts focus on the High North for the first time and reflects its role in this political debate.
[10] NATO's new 2030 Strategy Concept document mentions the High North as a focus area for the first time and thus also the importance of freedom of navigation within the region.
Here, it is important for both the Faroe Islands and Greenland to communicate and cooperate with the other allies in the Arctic, and the North Atlantic in general, in order to contribute to maintaining security and stability.
Although the Arctic Council has been criticized for its inability to deal with questions of military nature, other institutionalized factors are actively decreasing the likelihood of international disagreements.
[37] The council was created in the aftermath of World War II by Denmark, Sweden, Finland, and Norway, following several unsuccessful endeavors to establish a unified Nordic cooperation.
[38] The basis for exploiting organic resources in the Arctic is respect for historic, cultural and supply-related consideration as fish and ocean mammals make up the single most significant economic output for Greenland and the Faroe Islands.
[40] As such, structure, function, diversity and integrity in the Arctic ecosystems are decisive with respect to productivity why sustainability is key to approaching these systems for economic gain.
The national efforts to create the optimal framework for foreign investments are imperative in this regard such that Greenland and the Faroe Islands live up to international trade regulations and commitments as their economies enter new markets.
Both countries are members of the World Trade Organization as part of the Danish Kingdom and the European Union, which likewise is considered an integral partner in other Arctic matters.
[9] The sea in the central parts of the Arctic Ocean is more than 4000 meters deep, and the available knowledge from the area does not indicate the presence of oil, gas or minerals of value, but the Danish-Greenlandic claim is, in the eyes of both Denmark and Greenland, an expression of sensible due diligence.
[42] The Danish Kingdom has worked to ensure prime conditions for scientists and researchers to monitor and track the effects of climate change in the Arctic.
Already exposed due to the consequences of global warming, Denmark deems the protection of biodiversity and environment crucial to uphold as the climate shifts.
Likewise, increased shipping can lead to higher risks of invasive species and contamination along with a range of other anthropogenically induced effects on biodiversity.
To curb these tendencies, Denmark works with international partners to protect species and habitats based on surveillance, investigational analysis and proportional regulation.
[44] The Danish government in 2003 formed a continental shelf project delegated to research institutions across the realm to establish further scientific basis for territorial claims.