[1] The origins of the conflict date back to the 11th century when the Seljuks[b] conquered the southern and eastern Caucasus, occupying fertile valleys and plains, while the Christian population was pushed into mountainous regions.

[7][c] As noted by American historian Richard Hovannisian, in 1918, hostilities flared up again against the backdrop of strong pro-Russian orientations among Armenians and pro-Turkish tendencies among Azerbaijanis, who sought to restore Muslim hegemony in the region.

These conflict zones can be categorized into three main areas: Following the dissolution of the Transcaucasian Federation, the mountainous part of the Kazakh Uyezd was incorporated into Armenia, while the Armenian-Azerbaijani confrontation in Nagorno-Karabakh and Zangezur persisted for another two years.

[50] Arsen Saparov further states that the survival of Karabakh's nomadic communities was heavily dependent on access to the high-altitude pastures in the mountainous areas, as they migrated there seasonally, passing through territories inhabited by sedentary populations.

[104] During a session of the Armenian Parliament on August 15, 1919, dedicated to discussing the military threat posed by Muslims, many deputies expressed their disillusionment with the Entente and even proposed redirecting their foreign policy towards Russia.

The Armenian government aimed to secure recognition of its independence and establish friendly relations with all political entities in Russia, believing that Russian support could neutralize hostilities from the other Transcaucasian states and threats from Turkey.

According to the memoirs of General A. I. Denikin, commander of the Volunteer Army, in July 1919, the Armed Forces of South Russia sent several million rounds of ammunition to Armenia via Batumi and Ardahan.

In September 1919, Denikin sent a note to the Azerbaijani government, demanding not only the supply of oil and petroleum products to southern Russia but also the provision of facilities for the overhaul of the Volunteer Army's warships at the sole repair yard of the Caspian Fleet.

[118] According to Gegam Petrosyan, this decree fueled rumors of a secret military alliance between South Russia and Armenia and an imminent joint attack on Azerbaijan, forcing the Azerbaijani authorities to abandon their plans in Zangezur.

On the same day, Andranik sent a letter to Stepan Shaumyan, the Commissar for Caucasian Affairs, stating that he had placed himself under the authority of the central Russian government and proclaimed the Nakhchivan district as part of the RSFSR.

To prevent this, the Turkish command violated the terms of the ceasefire by delaying the withdrawal of troops beyond the Arpaçay River (the 1877 Russo-Turkish border) until December 4, while simultaneously organizing local Muslim militias.

[175][p] Shortly after the signing of the armistice agreement, Major William D. Gibbon, the liaison officer of British Governor-General W. Thomson, arrived in Nakhchivan from Baku, demanding the repatriation of 15,000 Armenian refugees, but his request was denied.

Soviet Azerbaijani historian Madatov states that real power in Sharur was in the hands of Mashadi Ali Asgar Agha Hamzayev, in the northern part of Nakhchivan county it was held by Boyuk Khan Nakhchivanski, and in Ordubad by Samedbeyov.

[197] Mahammad Khan Tekinski reported to Baku about the situation in the Aras Valley, urging the Azerbaijani government to take decisive measures, such as concentrating troops at the border to inspire the insurgents and intensify Armenian confusion.

Nevertheless, Azerbaijan's Prime Minister, Nasib bey Yusifbeyli, refrained from military intervention due to the Denikin threat from the north, limiting support to sending 200,000 cartridges and 300,000 Russian imperial rubles through Iran.

[200] According to British officer Schwind, dispatched to Nakhchivan by General Cory, the reasons for the uprising included the Armenian expedition against Böyük Vedi, external interference, and "the inherent inability of both sides to resolve any issue other than through murder or massacre.

[200] The attempt by Colonel Plowden and British officer Schwinde to prevent the escalation of the conflict failed, and on July 20, clashes erupted in Nakhichevan between Azerbaijani residents and the Armenian garrison of General Shelkovnikov.

[205] During battles near the Norashen station, Azerbaijani insurgents defeated a platoon of the 3rd regiment, capturing as trophies 42 machine guns, 4 cannons, an armored train, and a large quantity of shells and cartridges.

Although the majority of villages had submitted to Muslim authority and to the newly appointed Ordubad commissar, Abbasgulu Bey Tahirov, the residents of Agulis took defensive positions in the town center and prepared for resistance.

In December 1919, the local populations of Aralık, Zangibasar, Iğdır, and certain areas of the Echmiadzin district organized themselves into shuras (councils) with the assistance of Chingiz Bey, a Turkish officer of Azerbaijani origin from Shahtakhti.

According to Richard Hovannisian, Khosrov bey had incited Azerbaijanis in Karabakh against Armenians in the summer of 1918, was known as a Pan-Turanist and an ally of the Turkish Ittihadist commanders, and played an active role in the capture of Baku.

[239] On March 27, two weeks after assuming command of the British headquarters in Tiflis, Thomson paid an official visit to Erivan, where he discussed the Karabakh issue with Prime Minister Hovhannes Kajaznuni.

[242] Coinciding with the start of the Fifth Congress, Misha Arzumanyan, an unofficial representative of Armenia in Karabakh, arrived from Baku with General Thomson's permission to investigate the situation and report back to the Armenian government.

[249] Confused by this, the 6th Congress sent three delegates[x] to Baku with a proposal to recognize Azerbaijani authority on the condition of administrative and cultural autonomy, as well as commitments not to conduct campaigns against Zangezur, not to appoint a Muslim representative in Karabakh, and not to attempt to disarm the Armenian population.

[266] Following the controversial withdrawal of British forces from the Transcaucasus in mid-1919 and the subjugation of the Karabakh Council to Azerbaijan in August 1919, Dr. Khosrov bey Sultanov beseeched his government to help him "overcome 'the Armenian bandits' blocking the routes to the summer grazing lands and to convert his titular position as governor-general of Karabagh and Zangezur / Syunik into reality."

Throughout Zangezur the imperiled Muslim population took heart in anticipation of liberation by the Azerbaijani army.Such hopes were cut short, however, by the counterattack Shahmazian mounted on November 6 after concentrating all available units on the Goris front.

[272] In 1919, under threat of extermination (demonstrated by the Khaibalikend Massacre), the Karabakh Council was forced to sign an agreement to provisionally recognize and submit to Azerbaijani jurisdiction until its status was decided at the Paris Peace Conference.

[273] Ending early 1920, the Paris Peace Conference was inconclusive in the resolution of the Transcaucasian territorial disputes, therefore, the Armenia, by this time in a much stronger position to assert itself, took it upon themselves to emancipate the Armenians of Karabakh from their callous Azerbaijani governor.

[276] On 5 April 1920, skirmishes began along the Armenian–Azerbaijani border as the governor and commander of Kazakh (Qazax) increased security forces in the region, expecting that the Armenian army would create a diversion to relieve pressure on Karabakh.

Gen. Garegin Nzhdeh, commander Garo Sasouni and the last Prime Minister of independent Armenia Simon Vratsyan took the lead of the anti-Bolshevik rebellion and forced out the Bolsheviks from Yerevan and other places.