was published on 25 December 1896, on Christmas, because the new newspaper sought to represent Italian socialism as intended as "a new voice that does not descend from the airy high sky, but it lifts up from workshops and fields and predicts the peace to men of good will" or their own rendition of what they considered a "holy birth".

Socialism, Mr. Starabba, is not a chimera of deludes who want to remould the world accordingly their dream, but it is the clear and precise consciousness of the imperious necessities which are urgently needed, in the practice of life, by the majority of men.

Or you may rather send your policemen in places where that thought is elaborated, send them to dismantle organization of workers and socialist clubs; you may, committing crimes under your penal code, suppress for workers and socialists the elementary rights of reunion, speak and association promised by your Statute; you may make again the right to strike as a crime, welding again the collar of servants to the necks of modern wage earners, in disfigurement to the principles declared by the bourgeois revolution; you may indulge your whim of sending some socialist in jail or in the isles; you can meditate, as representative of a class went to power with plebiscites, how many attempts you like against the popular suffrage; you can do all of that and much more, but you can not make that those acts of brutal reaction would not demonstrate, also more clearly, that the cause of workers emancipation and the cause of socialism are all one with the cause of freedom of thought and of the civil progress.

[11] On 9 May, general Bava-Beccaris, with the support of the government, dismantled associations and clubs considered subversives and arrested thousands of people belonging to socialist, republican and anarchical organizations, including some parliamentarians: among others, they were Filippo Turati[12] (with his partner Anna Kuliscioff), Andrea Costa, Leonida Bissolati, Carlo Romussi (radical) and Paolo Valera.

Mussolini exploited the popular revolts for political purposes within the socialist movement: leadership of PSI was in the hands of revolutionary maximalists after the congress of Ancona, but reformist were still the majority in the parliamentary group and in CGdL.

On 10 June 1914, a political rally was held in the Arena di Milano in front of 60,000 people, while the rest of Italy was struggling and paralysed, Romagna and Marche were insurgent and rail workers finally announced to join to the general strike.

Here and there the striking multitude had gathered around those barricades that rehashers of an Engels phrase had relegated, with an hurry which betrayed devious concerns, if not the fear, between the relics of the romances of the fifteenth century.

".To prevent the monarchy from feeling threatened and declaring the state of siege, giving public powers to the army, the CGDL concluded the strike after 48 hours and invited workers to resume their activities.

On 20 June 1914, the socialist parliamentary group, formed in majority by moderates and reformists, disproved Mussolini about the events of the "Red Week" and confirmed the traditional gradualist and parliamentary position of the "historical" leadership of PSI, saying that the revolt was:[18] [...] the fatal and also too expected consequence of the foolish policy of the Italian leaderships, whose blind stubbornness on replacing to the urgent economical and social reforms the illegal militarist and pseudo-colonialist wasting frustrates the work of education and discipline of the Socialist Party for the gradual transformation of the political and social orders and rehabilitates the cult of violence within the masses [...] [in contrast with] [...] the fundamental concept of modern international, right which the great civil and social transformations and the emancipation of proletariat from the capitalist serfdom in particular are not achieved with the tantrum of disorganized crowds, whose fail revives and re-energizes the most evil and stupid movements of interior reactionism.

It is then necessary to remain more than ever on the parliamentary field and in the propaganda among the masses within the most decisive opposition against all the militarist, fiscal and protectionist addresses of the government and to watch over for the defense to the bitter end at any cost of the settled public freedoms, intensifying at the same time the assiduous and patient work, the only which is really revolutionary, of education, intellectualisation of the proletarian movement.At the end of the same month, on 28 June 1914, the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo shifted Italian attention on the European dynamics which will lead to World War I, opposing interventionist to neutralist, until the entry into war of Italy on 24 May 1915.

But maybe obliged, considering that the force is on the side of squadrismo, because it has a now growing supply of money, thanks to the support of agrarians and industrials, and mostly because it has a coverage of the State power which becomes complete over time.On 15 April 1919, in Milan, nationalists, fascists, officer cadets and Arditi were responsible for the first squadristi assault, during which they burnt down the headquarters of Avanti!.

There is the burning will to answer to a lot of manifestations of affection with the concrete demonstration that barabbism can not extinguish the voice of proletarian interests.On 23 April 1919, the newspaper, printed in Turin, launched a "solidarity plebiscite" urging its readers and militants to subscribe to support the rebuilding of the Milan headquarters.

And while a group entered from the door, an Arditi officer, valorous!, came from the window handing a dagger and moved towards some women, the only one inside the typography, employed in shipping.

"A new attack occurred in Milan during the night between 23 and 24 March 1921: the new headquarter in Via Lodovico da Settala 22 was devastated by bombs thrown by a fascist squad, with the purpose of an immediate retaliation to the massacre of Hotel Diana, provoked a few hours before by some anarchists.

[28] On 31 December 1925, the Mussolini Cabinet made the law n. 2037 on press passed by the Chamber of the Deputies and on 31 October 1926 the newly established fascist regime closed all the publications issued by the opposition.

began to use again the traditional header of Galantara, proclaiming itself as the giornale del Partito Socialista Italiano di Unità Proletaria ("newspaper of the Italian Socialist Party of Proletarian Unity").

He personally, taking every kind of risks, not only wrote main articles but he also cared for printing and distribution, helped in that by Mario Fioretti, flaming soul and generous apostle of Socialism.

in the freed Rome and today he would be its director, supported in this task not only by his strong genius and his wide culture, but also by his deep honesty and that sense of justice which had always guided his actions.

His publication was waited anxiously and not only by us, but also by many members of other parties, who saw their interest better represented on Avanti!The newspaper was published in clandestinity in Rome until the liberation of the Italian capital on 4–5 June 1944.

Sandro Pertini had remembered the diligence of Mazzali for the socialist newspaper:[30] The political and militar organization of our Party proceeded feverlishly and increasingly satysifing in the North by the work of Morandi, Basso, Bonfantini.

[...]Giuseppe Manfrin wrote: [...] In the late afternoon of 25 April 1945, a gentleman, breathless and with a distinct aspect, went around the arose Milan, with a shabby bicicle and a bag full of papers which were nothing other than material to publish on the newspaper.

had been edited in the headquarter of Corriere della Sera until 13 May 1945, when the editorial staff moved to Via Senato 38, corner of Piazza Cavour, 2, in the former office of Il Popolo d'Italia.

[36] On 28 April 1945, news about the execution of Mussolini reached Rome and Sandro Pertini told that Nenni, brotherly friend and jail-mate of the duce in the past during his socialist period, "had red eyes, he was very moved, but he wanted to dictated the title anyway: Justice is done!».

On the front-page, there was an article with photo portraying Bonaventura Ferrazzutto, under the title Gli assenti ("The missing ones"), where comrades fallen or victims of the deportation in Nazi Extermination camps were remembered.

built an important instrument of propaganda promoting the vote in favour of the republic for the 1946 Italian institutional referendum, thanks also to the articles written by Nenni, and for the PSIUP for the general elections both held on 2 June 1946.

was entitled: DA OGGI OGNUNO È PIÙ LIBERO – I lavoratori rappresentati nel governo del Paese ("FROM TODAY EVERYONE IS MORE FREE – workers are represented in the government of the Country").

The number of 15 May 1970 was entitled LO STATUTO DEI LAVORATORI È LEGGE ("WORKERS' STATUTE IS NOW A LAW"), announcing the approval of law n. 300 promulgated on 22 May 1970, and the subheading stated: IL PROVVEDIMENTO VOLUTO DAL COMPAGNO GIACOMO BRODOLINI È STATO DEFINITIVAMENTE APPROVATO DALLA CAMERA ("The provision wanted by comrade Giacomo Brodolini has been definitely approved by the Chamber)".

renovated its graphic layout: following the success of la Repubblica, which appeared in news-stands a year before, the socialist newspaper abandoned the traditional broadsheet format and adopted the tabloid one, the header had been coloured in red and the number of pages increased.

Wastes and bad management during the eighties, despite the important funding for the modernization of the newspaper strongly desired by Craxi, provoked an accumulation of debts for about 30–40 billions lire; Avanti!

[61] The title of the newspaper is contended by two subjects: The general strike succeeded in demonstrating an impressive and really huge prove of will and power of working masses – including intellectuals – to break down nazifascism and conquer freedom.