They also expressed solidarity with Baltimore municipal workers, who were in the midst of an escalating strike action that began on July 1.

The department reported an increase in fires and looting, and the understaffed BPD soon received support from Maryland State Police.

The city promised (and delivered) police officers a wage increase in 1975, but refused amnesty for the strikers.

Police Commissioner Donald Pomerleau revoked the union's collective bargaining rights, fired its organizers, and pointedly harassed its members.

[2] The action was also test case for the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), which was rapidly growing in size and strength but had not had much success in unionizing police officers.

[4] One of Local 1195's key leaders was Thomas Rapanotti—a labor organizer who worked in a coal mine, then at Martin Aircraft, then for AFSCME.

In a 1973 grand jury investigation on corruption within the BPD, Rapanotti accused him of spying and of applying polygraphs tests selectively only to lower-ranking officers.

AFSCME leaders and representatives from other public employee unions and organizations pressed the City of Baltimore for collective bargaining rights and higher wages.

[13] In November 1973, Pomerleau agreed to recognize collective representation for police, and held an election to choose an exclusive bargaining agent.

[15] Local 1195 immediately attempted to make good on the promise that collective bargaining might improve conditions and wages for police officers.

[16] The lead-up to the police strike was a period of radical labor activity and unrest, sparked by a walkout of the city's garbage collectors.

On July 1, 1974, over 700 sanitation workers walked off their jobs in a wildcat strike (against the wishes of their union leadership in AFSCME Local 44).

[19] On July 6, the union formed a steering committee, with 84 members, to plan job actions intended to pressure the city for negotiations.

According to the findings disclosed by a 1977 court case, these actions had "tacit approval" from Commissioner Pomerleau, who also wanted the city to negotiate further.

Officers would write lengthy reports on pennies ("objects of value") found along the side of the road and would turn obvious samples of tobacco over to the police lab for drug analysis.

[22] John A. Lann, a police officer, was arrested and suspended from the BPD for blocking traffic on the newly constructed I-83.

After meeting for an hour and a half on the afternoon of Thursday, July 11, members of the steering committee decided unanimously to go on strike.

[32] Some nonstriking officers likewise felt betrayed by their fellow workers and by Local 1195, which was officially a non-striking union.

[35] After the walkout on Thursday, July 11, the BPD and the fire department received increased looting and arson reports.

Before midnight on July 11, Circuit Judge James C. Murphy issued an injunction ordering the strike to end immediately.

On July 12, Maryland governor Marvin Mandel ordered outside police help from 115 state troopers and ten canine units.

[40] (Murphy issued parallel threats to union leaders connected to the ongoing municipal workers' strike.)

Union representatives and city officials met for five hours on July 12, the day after the night shift walkout.

[35] With leaders of both Locals under direct threats from Judge Murphy, marathon negotiations continued day and night, with few breaks.

Leaders of the police union then announced in a press conference that they had been "assured of fair play" and that "many would be reinstated"—but there was still no promise of amnesty.

[47] Pomerleau announced that returning strikers would be treated harshly, writing in a July 18 letter : "I have asked the sergeants of this department to 'take charge.'

[49] On July 25, Pomerleau issued a message, posted on bulletin boards and read for three days at roll call, which distinguished between strike leaders and followers.

Thomas Bradley, president of the Metropolitan Baltimore Labor Council (a regional arm of the AFL–CIO), promised to establish a committee "who will see to it that there are no reprisals".

[56] With no reprieve from the city, the formerly striking officers turned to Governor Mandel, asking him to re-authorize their union and impose amnesty.

[57] Mandel, feuding with AFSCME president Wurf, refused to assist them, declaring that he would prefer to lose the union's support in his re-election campaign.