Bessarabian Peasants' Party

Rallied with the national opposition by 1921, the PȚB was effectively split over merging into a caucus formed by Ion Mihalache's Peasants' Party and the independent agrarian faction led by Constantin Stere.

While the election results "were never fully tabulated",[11] later counts indicated the Peasants' Soviet as one of the most important political players, winning between 35% and 37% of the accounted votes, with strong support from the Romanian-speaking rural population.

The results would have allowed the party to hold 5 of the 13 Bessarabian deputy seats, as many as the local Esers; in contrast, the PNM, only gathering 2–3% of the vote, would have failed to win any.

According to scholar Charles Upson Clark, his collaboration with the Moldavian Bloc was purely pragmatic: since the October Revolution had toppled the Esers, he switched from supporting Russian federalism to preserving his republic as an independent state, and needed the nationalists' backing.

[13] Pelivan was always suspicious of the President's true motivations, and later went on record with allegations that Inculeț was unreliable and not in fact devoted to his country, but "belonged to the Russian nation.

[15] In his tenure as president, Inculeț reluctantly allowed the Romanian Land Forces to assume effective control of the country, hoping to use them against the Bolshevik insurgents.

[20] The first-ever Central Committee (CC) included Halippa, Holban, Inculeț, Ciugureanu, Teofil Ioncu, Gheorghe Stârcea, and several members of the autonomous Bessarabian Directorate: Petru Cazacu (the Director-in-Chief), Nicolae Bivol, Ștefan Ciobanu, Ion Costin.

[26] In November 1918, various of its Sfatul deputies—including Tsyganko, Vladimir Cristi, Mihail Minciună and Teodor Nichitiuc—joined a protest alongside delegates from the Moldavian Bloc, the ethnic minorities, and the trade unions.

[29] Ciugureanu served as Minister for Bessarabia in the government team of Constantin Coandă, and obtained that he and other members of the regional administration be allowed to stand in elections without renouncing their offices.

[29] Pelivan, who lobbied for Bessarabia at the Paris Peace Conference, wrote back to Inculeț complaining that the Romanian administration was being vilified by "the Russians and the Jews".

[40] On April 27–29, 1919,[41] Halippa, Bârcă and Minciună organized the Peasant Congress, where 130 rural delegates from across Bessarabia were invited to weigh in on the land reform project, and also to read the PȚB program.

The PND leader, Nicolae Iorga, ran for the Assembly on a PȚB list at Orhei, alongside Vasile Stroescu, who was a doyen of the PNM and the emancipation movement.

[48] Before this election, the PȚB had incorporated into its ranks an anticommunist group, the Bessarabian League against Bolshevism, whose founder, General Alexandru Anastasiu, ran on Peasantist lists for the Senate.

[50] Lastly, members of the PȚB administration were alleged by their political adversaries to have committed fraud and abuse of power, with the election taking place under a state of siege.

[53] The Bessarabian Peasantists won the majority of regional votes and emerged as the third party nationally, with 72 seats in the Assembly—the PNL had 103, just ahead of its rival, the PNR, which had 99.

It was used as evidence of the union's legality by the PȚB itself, against the claims stated by the Bolsheviks, the White émigrés, and the Ukrainian People's Republic, all of whom demanded a partition of Bessarabia.

[57] Nevertheless, the PȚB also expressed reserves toward Romanian centralism, and, for a while, its leaders contemplated forming a purely regionalistic alliance with other deputies from Bessarabia, Bukovina, Transylvania and the Banat.

[58] As summarized by Cemârtan: "The Bessarabian elites and public opinion preferred to avoid the consecrated parties, since [their regional] extension could bring with it undesirable customs and methods.

The two groups agreed on principle to endorse a national platform of peasant rights and representation; delegates such as Bârcă began discussing the possibility of a fusion "sometime in the near future".

[60] On December 25, Alexandru Mîță, as deputy-elect of Bălți County, reportedly addressed Vaida a letter of protest, which referred to Romanian authorities as engaged in "terrifying crimes" against the Bessarabian populace.

[61] Despite Iorga's repeated efforts to enact the land reform on the coalition's own terms,[62] the Vaida government was ordered to step down by King Ferdinand I, who assigned the premiership to Alexandru Averescu (March 1920).

[65] Dissatisfied with work in the opposition, Ciugureanu and his followers also separated and ran as a "Democratic Union Party of Bessarabia", but, failing to win any seats, went over to the PNL.

[67] The party, which set up other local newspapers, including Viața Basarabiei of Chișinău (founded 1921) and Secera of Ismail city (1922),[68] adhered to the PȚ-led Federation of National Social Democracy (FDNS), comprising the bulk of opposition forces.

[76] It restated the need for a universal land reform, while adding new demands: a non-political form of self-government, the minimum wage, workers' participation in management, and the dismantling of the Gendarmerie—to be replaced with "preferably locally recruited" peace officers.

[77] Pelivan was critical of the government's decision to disestablish the regional Directorate, which had handled executive power in Bessarabia, noting that "many [Russian] civil servants are now going hungry", and alleging that a spoils system was being set up by Romanian administrators in "Romania's California".

[79] An appeasement of the party came in April 1920, when Averescu reintroduced Bessarabian ideas in his own land reform law, reducing the sum owed in compensation to the dispossessed landowners.

[82] Despite its weakening splits and the violent incidents on the campaign trail, the PȚB was able to win 23 (or 25) mandates in the Assembly and 6 in the Senate, with a plurality of the regional vote (48%), just ahead of the PP (at 46%).

[83] Its fief was a tri-county area comprising Bălți, Tighina and Soroca, where it won an absolute victory; it lost Ismail County (Avrescu's birthplace), taken by the PP in a landslide.

[94] Halippa's supporters passed a resolution approving of a later union with the PȚ, and also stating their implicit collaboration with "all democratic forces" against "the reactionary tendencies of the oligarchy".

[113] A minor PȚB, with Pelivan at its helm, caucused with the PȚ within a "Bessarabian Bloc", which, in March 1923, signed up to a protest against the PNL's "attempt at enslaving an entire people".

PȚB electoral performance. Green indicates counties won in the November 1919 landslide ; darker green is the tri-county area providing the party with its most consistent support through to its disbanding in 1923