In the wake of a wave of reactionary violence by the Ku Klux Klan and a poor economy, the coalition soon fractured into two factions: the Minstrels,[2] who were mostly carpetbaggers, and the Brindle-tails,[2] who were mostly scalawags.

Alvan Cullem Gillem, the commanding officer of the Fourth Military District which included Arkansas, noted in his report to Congress that more votes had been cast than there were registered voters.

[3] When Clayton took office, he appointed most of the key Republican politicians to positions within the new state government; however, he failed to find a place for Joseph Brooks.

Despite these measures, soaring inflation, economic hardship, and a tripling of Arkansas's debt by 1873 marked this period of financial struggle and political discontent.

[14] One of the most controversial bonds involved the purchase of slate for a state penitentiary roof, which was diverted for the construction of a mansion of a Republican official J. L. Hodges, who eventually served jail time for the incident.

[10] Brooks claimed that they were originally just called "Brindles" referring to the mixed races of his supporters, his initial power base had been the black community.

At the same time, the House also brought impeachment charges against Chief Justice John McClure for his part in trying to deny Johnson the privileges of his office of lieutenant governor.

[22] He and William Meade Fishback were chosen by the new legislature in May 1864 as the two U.S. senators from Arkansas, but in February 1865, their admission was denied by congressional Republicans displeased with Lincoln for trying to restore Southern representation in Congress so easily.

[24] However, Powell Clayton would later accuse Brooks of a broader political deal with the friends of Ku Klux Klan members Dandridge McRae and Jacob Frolich, who were involved in the murder of Albert H. Parker and had become fugitives.

The deal included plans for the acquittal of McRae, Frolich, and other prisoners, involving manipulation of the judicial process, such as the election of a special judge sympathetic to their cause and the scattering of witnesses to prevent their testimony.

[27] The General Assembly met on January 6 for a special joint session to declare Baxter, who by their count had received the most votes, the legal winner of the election.

The Democrats, the Brindle-tails, and all non-Republican newspapers openly and vocally denounced the election as fraudulent, and insisted that Brooks had in fact received the most votes.

[29] It appeared that Brooks had exhausted all legal avenues at this point, but on June 16, 1873, he filed another lawsuit against Baxter, this time with the Pulaski County district court.

Without giving Baxter any time to testify, Judge Whytock overruled the demurrer and awarded Brooks $2,000 in damages and the office of Governor of Arkansas.

[24][32] With the aid of General Robert F. Catterson and state militia, Brooks, accompanied by about 20 armed men, marched to the Arkansas Capitol building (now known as "the Old Statehouse"), located at Markham and Center streets in downtown Little Rock.

[9]: 95  Fighting did occur outside the hotel, and at least one man, David Fulton Shall, a prominent real estate dealer, was shot dead while standing in a window of the building.

Baxter issued two proclamations to the press from his temporary office, asserting his rights to the governorship by vote of the people and the decision of the legislature; both were printed in the Gazette.

On the evening of April 16, the assembled army, now being referred to as the "Hallie Riflers", escorted Baxter back to the Anthony House, where he set up his headquarters, and from there he began trying to do the state's business once more.

When this commotion lead to a scuffle in the street that killed an innocent bystander, Baxter asked White to return with his militia to Pine Bluff.

However, White became frustrated by inactivity, and on April 30 he commandeered the steamboat Belle of Texas, carrying about 150 militiamen to confront Brooks supporters at New Gascony.

After a confrontation at Ashley's gin, White's forces prevailed, capturing around sixty prisoners, including leaders Joseph L. Murphy and Captain Vandesand.

The cannon is a Confederate copy of a United States Model 1848 64-pounder siege gun 8 in (200 mm) Naval columbiad, designed to fire explosive shells.

It was placed in the rear of the Odd Fellows hall, now the Metropolitan Hotel, on the corner of Main and Markham streets to hit any boats bringing supplies for Brooks up the river.

One stray bullet pierced the vessel's supply pipe between the boiler and engine, cutting off its power, and the boat drifted downriver, out of gun range, and lodged on the Southern (Western) shore.

[42] Casualty reports vary widely depending on the source; the New York Times of May 30, 1874, gave the following for casualties and fatalities: On May 3, men claiming to be acting on behalf of Baxter supporters hijacked a train from Memphis, Tennessee, and arrested federal Court Justices John E. Bennett and Elhanan J. Searle,[43] thinking that the Court would be unable to rule without a quorum of Judges.

President Grant had already dealt with the outcome of the contested election for Governor of Louisiana, the Colfax massacre, where federal troops had to be sent to restore order.

It was becoming clear that federal intervention was required to settle the dispute, despite the general policy of the Grant administration to stay out of the affairs of Southern states.

The President often expressed annoyance with Southern governors who requested help from federal troops to combat regular waves of election year violence, with little compassion for the issues they faced.

Grant and the United States Attorney General, George Henry Williams, issued a joint communique supporting Baxter and ordering Brooks to vacate the capitol.

The report pointed out that Augustus Garland, who was elected under the 1874 constitution, legitimately occupied the governor's office, rendering any previous claims to the position by Brooks moot.