The statute of the 5th Congress had bestowed on the central committee the right to appoint and dismiss party organisers in special areas.

This was now blamed on Ranković, who had stifled debate both at the federal level but also within the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia (LC Serbia), according to LCY and SKS Central Committee member Dragi Stamenković, "as soon as we get to the lobbies real discussion begins.

Apparently, the main reason for pressing these changes was the executive committee's perception that reorganising the central party bodies would make rejuvenating the LCY's leadership organs easier.

[16] Tito argued in favour of reestablishing the central committee, telling the congress, "The League of Communists needs a strong, dynamic and influential leadership, or to be more precise, that kind of ideological-political centre—the central committee with its executive organs—which, with its organised and timely action, with its political positions and decisions, will secure unity of leadership and unity of action of the entire League of Communists, will steer its activities towards the solving of the vital issues of the socialist self-management development of the Yugoslav community.

[18] Rules regarding membership was clarified on 20 March 1978 at the 6th Session of the Central Committee of the 10th Congress, which decided to institute a fixed formula of branch representation.

It established a new position, the Chairman of the Presidency of the LCY Central Committee, in which the officeholder was limited to a one-year term in office.

The 11th Session of the 11th Central Committee convened on 12 June 1980 and on the suggestion of Bosnian Croat Branko Mikulić, decided that the LCY Presidency and Central Committee "should work in accordance with their duties and with the authorisation provided for in the Standing Rules of the Party Statutes concerning their work and on the basis of the decisions to be made at today’s [12 June 1980] plenum.

It was decided that the LCY Central Committee would retain its role as the highest organ between two congresses but opted against turning it into a collective party presidency.

[26] However, beginning with the 14th Session of the Central Committee of the 12th Congress, held on 16 October 1984, when Serb member Dragoslav Marković proposed a series of political reforms that would replace consensus with majority decision-making the infighting was brought into the open.

[27] Marinc argued that the reforms Marković outlined might strengthen the federal government and central party at the expense of the republics and autonomous provinces, and was, therefore, not wise.

Fellow Slovene Central Committee member France Popit argued, on Marinc's behalf, that Yugoslavia faced "an economic, not a political crisis.

"[27] On the other hand, Hamdija Pozderac, a Bosnian member of the LCY Presidency, pointed to the fact that decentralisation had immobilised the federal government and central party.

[28] At the 18th Session of the 12th Central Committee, held on 19 July 1985, Macedonian LCY Presidency member Dimče Belovski noted in his report, which was made public, that "The Central Committee has had to overcome various contradictions caused by the desire to achieve the unity of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia on the one hand and the practical independence of the republic and provincial Leagues of Communists on the other.

"[29] He stated that the LCY had room for uncompromising criticism of its activity but that it did not need leaders who could not, for whatever reason, participate in formulating and implementing policies.

"[30] The ensuing 19th Session of the Central Committee of the 12th Congress, held on 30 July 1985, adopted a resolution which, in practice, replaced articles 73 to 79 of the LCY statute.

[33] At the 13th Congress, held on 25–28 June 1986, the LCY admitted that there existed a "crisis of unity" and that it "challenged the very foundations of the communist revolution.

In a bid to solve this crisis, the 11th Session of the 13th Central Committee, held on 7–8 December 1987, decided to convene the LCY Conference, which was heralded as an "emergency meeting" by the official press.

[36] The Serbian Branch demanded to convene an extraordinary congress if the 1st Conference failed to solve the acute problems facing the LCY.

However, this was greeted by the Slovenian branch, led by Milan Kučan, as threatening the principle of national affirmation and autonomy.

The Slovenian extraordinary congress was to "decide either for a unilateral cancellation of compliance with democratic centralism or for the complete organisational independence of the League of Communists of Slovenia.

"[45] The congress voted overwhelmingly against the Slovenian proposal to transform the LCY into a confederal party and its conception of pluralism.

With all branches eventually opposing its work, the committee—the last federal organ of the LCY—dissolved itself on 22 January 1991 and transferred all its funds and property to the League of Communists – Movement for Yugoslavia.

[50] The LCY Central Committee was regulated by the "Statute of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia" and, as stipulated by article 78 of the LCY statute, the "Rules of Procedure on the Organisation and Working Method of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia".

It directed the activities of the LCY's organisation and organs that dealt with issues such as total national defence and social self-protection in accordance with the policies enacted by the congress.

[50] It also had the right to elect, among its own membership, delegations to, and the Presidency of, the Federal Conference of the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia (SAWPY).

[53] The LCY Central Committee had the right to set up commissions and other working bodies to examine specific problems, draft proposals, or perform certain tasks.

Later, on 9 April 1982, at the 26th Session of the LCY Central Committee, it adopted the congress agenda and the exact date for the convocation (26–29 June).

[57] The LCY Central Committee convened the conference between two congresses when it thought it necessary to get insight from members of basic organisations on specific policy questions.

Changes in the composition of the presidency were determined through elections conducted within the republican and autonomous provincial branches and within the Committee of the Organisation of the LCY within the YPA.

During an electoral term, the LCY Central Committee could not adopt compositional changes that surpassed more than one-third of the presidency's total membership.