In prehistorical times, in the Andean civilizations called preceramic, the population of northwestern South America migrated through the Darién Gap between the isthmus of Panama and Colombia.

[8] In 1770, King Charles III of Spain officially banned use of the language in the region [8] as part of a de-indigenization project.

Modern Muisca scholars as Diego Gómez[9] have claimed that the variety of languages was much larger than previously thought and that in fact there was a Chibcha dialect continuum that extended throughout the Cordillera Oriental from the Sierra Nevada del Cocuy to the Sumapaz Páramo.

[9] The quick colonization of the Spanish and the improvised use of traveling translators reduced the differences between the versions of Chibcha over time.

Manuscript 158 of the National Library of Colombia has a Grammar, an annex called "Modos de hablar en la lengua Mosca o Chipcha" [sic], a Spanish-Muysca vocabulary and a "Catheçismo en la lengua Mosca o Chipcha" [sic].

Three documents from the Biblioteca Real de Palacio are compendiums of the Muysca language and are part of the so-called Mutis Collection, a set of linguistic-missionary documents of several indigenous languages of the New Kingdom of Granada and the Captaincy General of Venezuela, collected by Mutis, due to the initial wishes of the Tsarina of Russia Catherine the Great, who wanted to create a dictionary of all the languages of the world[13] This manuscript is made up of three books: the first titled "De la gramática breve de la lengua Mosca"; the second contains three titles: "Confesionarios en la Lengua Mosca chibcha" [sic], "Oraciones en Lengua Mosca chibcha" [sic] and "Catecismo breve en Lengua Mosca chibcha" [sic]; The third book is titled "Bocabulario de la Lengua Chibcha o Mosca" [sic].

These pamphlets are considered the earliest known texts of the General Language of the New Kingdom of Granada and although their orthography is inconsistent and a little different from the known ones, these pamphlets are associated with the variety spoken in Santafé and its surroundings[16] Because Muysc Cubun is an extinct language, various scholars as Adolfo Constenla (1984), González de Pérez (2006) and Willem Adelaar with the collaboration of Pieter Muysken (2007) have formulated different phonological systems taking into account linguistic documents from the 17th century and comparative linguistics.

The letters are pronounced more or less as follows:[19][20][21] a – as in Spanish "casa"; ka – "enclosure" or "fence" e – as in "action"; izhe – "street" i – open "i" as in "'inca" – sié – "water" or "river" o – short "o" as in "box" – to – "dog" u – "ou" as in "you" – uba – "face" y – between "i" and "e"; "a" in action – ty – "singing" b – as in "bed", or as in Spanish "haba"; – bohozhá – "with" ch – "sh" as in "shine", but with the tongue pushed backwards – chuta – "son" or "daughter" f – between a "b" and "w" using both lips without producing sound, a short whistle – foï – "mantle" g – "gh" as in "good", or as in Spanish "abogado"; – gata – "fire" h – as in "hello" – huïá – "inwards" ï – "i-e" as in Beelzebub – ïe – "road" or "prayer" k – "c" as in "cold" – kony – "wheel" m – "m" as in "man" – mika – "three" n – "n" as in "nice" – nyky – "brother" or "sister" p – "p" as in "people" – paba – "father" s – "s" as in "sorry" – sahawá – "husband" t – "t" as in "text" – yta – "hand" w – "w" as in "wow!"

Muysca is an agglutinative language, characterized by roots that are usually monosyllabic or bisyllabic (to a lesser extent longer), which combine to form extensive expressions.

The periphrastic form uses the 3rd person + verbal root/name (+n) + ma-gue: a-taba-n3-meanness-FOCma-gue2-COPa-taba-n ma-gue3-meanness-FOC 2-COPhe/she/it is stingySee Muysca verbs (In Spanish) Counting 1 to 10 in Chibcha is ata, boza, mica, muyhyca, hyzca, taa, cuhupqua, suhuza, aca, hubchihica.

These include curuba (Colombian fruit banana passionfruit), toche (yellow oriole), guadua (a large bamboo used in construction) and tatacoa ("snake").

Most of the original Muisca names of the villages, rivers and national parks and some of the provinces in the central highlands of the Colombian Andes are kept or slightly altered.

[44] The only public school in Colombia currently teaching Chibcha (to about 150 children) is in the town of Cota, about 30 kilometres (19 mi) by road from Bogotá.

With these and other activities they raise money, including from national institutions and international organizations on behalf of the Chibcha and their revitalization, using the constructed language as an instrument to demonstrate their progress and legitimacy.

[49] On the other hand, the use of Mysca in social networks and public events has generated the feeling that Chibcha has been a language that has survived uninterruptedly since pre-Hispanic times, ignoring the historical process of acculturation and the struggle ancestral of the cabildos for the communal ownership of their lands, for the recognition of their identity by the State and against the exclusion and poverty to which the members and ancestors of the Chibcha cabildos have been subject.

This neo-language has also been involved in different academic controversies because on many occasions Myska is presented to the public as a natural language or, in the best of cases, as the closest approximation to the language spoken by the Chibchas, despite that its phonology, spelling, grammar, and even vocabulary, have not developed naturally but rather based on ancient writings, which is why its consistency and distance from the spelling of known linguistic sources is questioned.

The presentation of this reconstructed language as an almost faithful approximation to the original or equivalent to the colony's Chibcha has aroused the following criticism: