Of the many subjects treated throughout the Chronicle, the most noteworthy are Justice, to which he dedicates the Prologue and six chapters,[1] the organization of the State and the king's decisions,[1] Inês de Castro, to which he dedicates six chapters, reporting in particular Pedro's declaration about his marriage to Inês, the persecution of her murderers and the description of the transfer of Inês' mortal remains from Coimbra to Alcobaça,[2] a chapter dedicated to D. João I, the bastard son of D. João I, the bastard son of D. Pedro I. João I, bastard son of D. Pedro and future king,[3] and also the Kingdom of Castile to which he dedicates sixteen of the chapters, in this case dealing with decisions or undertakings of King Pedro I of Castile, nephew of the homonymous Portuguese king, and for whose history Fernão Lopes must have had access to the Chronicles about the same time of the Castilian chronicler Pedro López de Ayala.

[4] Fernão Lopes, who began by having the profession of notary, was in 1418 appointed keeper of the Torre do Tombo, i.e., head of the state archives, a position of trust of the court, and which allowed him access to important documentation for the preparation of his Chronicles.

[5] Fernão Lopes probably starts writing the Chronicle of D. Pedro in 1434 because it was in this year that King D. Duarte awarded him for his future work the annual tença of fourteen thousand reals.

[6]Among the subjects covered by Fernão Lopes in this Chronicle are Justice, to which he dedicated the Prologue and six chapters,[1] the organization of the State and the king's decisions,[1] Inês de Castro, to whom he dedicated six chapters, relating in particular the public declaration of D. Pedro about his marriage to Inês, the persecution of her murderers and the transfer of her remains from Coimbra to Alcobaça,[2] D. João I, father of D. Duarte, to whom Fernão Lopes had entrusted the preparation of the Chronicle and to whom he would certainly be very pleased with his father's panegyric.

It was not established to carry out any divine order on earth, nor to be the secular arm of the Church, as argued by Augustinian Luther, his conception of the State being close to the much later doctrine of the social contract.

[7] Then, in chapters 29 to 31, it is told how Pedro agrees with his counterpart from Castile to exchange fugitives from both kingdoms, among whom, on the Portuguese side, are the three assassins of Inês de Castro.

Pedro and Inês de Castro and says that their loves are not feigned, and "are told and read in the stories that have their foundation on truth", that is, in the narratives of cases that happened, as were (or were supposed to be) the chronicles.

The chronicler narrates how the transfer of Inês de Castro's mortal remains took place:And remembering to honor her bones, because he couldn't do more, he ordered a mourning of white stone, all very subtly made, with her image raised on the upper grave, with a crown on her head, as if she were queen; and this mourning he ordered to be placed in the Alcobaça Monastery, not at the entrance where the kings lie, but inside the church, on the right hand side, next to the main chapel.

The emphasis given to the dream in which D. Pedro sees the future Master of Avis symbolically saving Portugal (chapter 43) must have this explanation.

Pedro I himself, about his son João, confirming his choice as Master of the Order of Avis, in the famous dream "in which I saw all of Portugal burning with fire, so that the whole kingdom looked like a bonfire; and being so amazed at such a thing, my son João came with a stick in his hand, and with it he put out all that fire", predicting a future reign of justice, just as Pedro himself had done.

[3] In António José Saraiva's words, "The prose of Fernão Lopes retains the "spoken" tone of the chivalric romances, but enriched with a vocabulary and images revealing a great sense of concrete, and with the resources of the clerical oratory, opportunely touched by a chill of biblical solemnity, as when he speaks of the "good and gentle Portuguese olive tree".

For the description of the laws and administrative practices that this sovereign decreed and applied, and for certain statements of his thoughts in this field, the documents he used were The Books of D. Pedro's Chancellery and the Minutes of the 1361 Cortes de Elvas, from which he extracted passages whose content he faithfully reproduced (chapters 4 to 6).

Everything indicates that other revelations had the same origin, such as his stammering, his taste for hunting and good food, and his way of counteracting insomnia by having music played and calling people to dance with him in the street.

[14] Fernão Lopes, who started out as a notary public, was appointed keeper of the Torre do Tombo in 1418, i.e., head of the state archives, a position of trust at court, which allowed him access to important documentation for the preparation of his Chronicles.

[15] This military disaster hits Fernão Lopes hard because in Morocco in captivity had to die his son Martinho and the infante D. Fernando who was close advisor (clerk of the purity).

A medieval chronicler par excellence, but also a humanist of a Renaissance spirit that is announcing itself in Portugal, his work expresses tendencies of this cultural multiplicity.

[20] Still for Nordin, Fernão Lopes' writings become an apology for authority and the good use of justice and sometimes allow us to understand the complexity of administration, documents being his raw material, as a notary, archivist and chronicler.

[20] The characteristic traits of Fernão Lopes' chronological production point to a refined sense, literary resourcefulness, and use of narrative resources, placing him within the trends of the literature of his time, although it would be hasty to classify him as an avant-garde man or a forerunner of an era, but one who stood out with a remarkable prose that would fascinate readers for centuries to come.

[20] Also for Nordin, in analyzing the work of Fernão Lopes, it is necessary to emphasize his social origin, distinct from previous cases of chroniclers such as Count Pedro de Barcelos or the Castilian Pero Lopez Ayala, for having been nobleman he shared the worldview of the group of officials of the nascent states whose structure was becoming more complex.