In both Ciro presented himself as critical of Fernando Henrique Cardoso presidency and attempted to be a centre-left alternative to petista candidate Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

Running on a platform that included a public credit debt refinancing, a progressive tax system with dividend tax,[9] increased funding for education and healthcare,[10] a federal agency defending LGBTQ rights,[11] and a neo-Keynesian, re-industrializing platform,[12] he sought to portray himself as an alternative between Lula's appointee Fernando Haddad and right-wing candidate Jair Bolsonaro.

[14] Ciro refused to endorse Haddad afterwards,[15] PT's offer to be his running mate,[16] and has opposed Lula's party within the Brazilian left.

[17][18] Described as having "one of the sharpest tongues in Brazilian politics", Ciro's public image has been characterized by his outspoken personality, receiving both praise and criticism.

[23] He has also been critical of Lula's presidency, accusing him of enabling Dilma's impeachment through Temer and Eduardo Cunha's appointments, and both of leading a social liberal government that led to the current Brazilian recession and Bolsonaro's election.

In the private sector, Ciro served as director for Brazilian rail company Transnordestina S/A and steelmaker Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional,[8] and he is a best-selling author.

[31] Ciro ran for office for the first time in 1982, as a State Deputy representing Sobral, and won; he began his first term in February 1983.

[32] Ciro attracted substantial media attention early on for his willingness to debate national political questions — including democracy, social reforms, and international relations — which he said other Ceará politicians ignored.

Ciro also ordered increased investments in education and in public health; by July 1992, a Datafolha poll found he was the most popular governor in Brazil, with a 74% approval rate,[38] and Time magazine listed him as one of the 100 most important emerging leaders on the world stage.

[40] Ciro's public health program "Programa Viva Criança" was attributed with a 32% decrease in infant mortality in the state and was awarded the Maurice Paté prize by UNICEF.

[43] However, a series of gaffes, most notable a crass joke about his wife Patrícia Pillar,[44] led to his collapse in the polls, and Ciro came in fourth place in the first round, with 12% of the vote.

For the position of Vice President, Ciro chose Kátia Abreu, a centre former Minister of Agriculture, as his running mate.

Political analysts had widely speculated that, since Lula was legally barred from running for president (after his conviction for corruption, under Brazil's "Ficha Limpa" law), Ciro would attract many of Lula's supporters in the 2018 presidential election, and potentially unite a number of left and center-left political parties.

[49] His main contender for the left vote was Fernando Haddad, the former Mayor of São Paulo, running as a member of the Workers' Party (PT) with Lula's backing.

In the second round, Ciro announced his opposition to right-wing rival Jair Bolsonaro, who he describes as a "fascist" for his pro-military rule statements,[51] but did not formally endorse Haddad.

[54] He was a professor of tax law and constitutional law, and wrote three books on political economy: "No País dos Conflitos" ("In the Country of Conflicts", 1994); "O Próximo Passo – Uma Alternativa Prática ao Neoliberalismo" ("The Next Step - A Practical Alternative to Neoliberalism", 1995), co-authored with Harvard professor Roberto Mangabeira Unger; and "Um Desafio Chamado Brasil" ("A Challenge Called Brazil," 2002).

[55] He served in the private sector as the President of Transnordestina S/A (a commodities transportation company in Northeastern Brazil), and on the Board of Directors of Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional.