Clayoquot protests
[1][2] The timber resources of Clayoquot Sound attracted growing numbers of foreigners, limiting access of indigenous peoples to land and creating increasing displeasure among the local population.
[5] The logging protests and blockades received worldwide mass media attention, creating national support for the environmental movement in British Columbia and fostering strong advocacy for anti-logging campaigns.
As timber supply in the small operations in the Kennedy Lake and Ucluelet area began to diminish the logging companies' presence near Tofino increased.
For Nuu-chah-nulth people, cedar serves as a vital source of heat and light, as well as being a key material in the production of "woven mats, clothing, utensils, longhouses, paddles and canoes.
According to the Institute for Coastal and Oceans Research at the University of Victoria, British Columbia, "The diversity of the terrain and habitat means that this area can support a denser population of many of these species than would exist in a mono-culture of coniferous forest.
[17] Rather, they opposed the fact that the companies were pursuing short-term profits by extracting resources at maximum efficiency rates, with little interference from the British Columbia government.
[4] When Macmillan-Bloedel workers arrived at Meares Island in 1984, they encountered a bigger blockade that included members of the Nuu-chah-nulth tribe, local environmental groups, and other supporters of their cause.
"[19] Justice MacFarlane echoed this sentiment and went even further, arguing for increased treaty deliberations: "The fact that there is an issue between the Indians and the province based on Aboriginal claims should not come as a surprise to anyone.
[21] In March 1993, initially-peaceful protesters gathered on the lawn of the BC Legislature in Victoria, calling on the NDP government not to allow clearcut logging in Clayoquot Sound.
[22] When the assembled officials entered the legislature and attempted to close the doors, however, protesters forced their way in; in the process, an elderly security guard was knocked down and injured his hip.
[24] In addition, "Tofino doctors, lawyers, business owners and town councillors joined forces with Nuu-chah-nulth leaders and nature-loving drifters like a Greenpeace campaigner known as 'Seattle Steve.'
"[25] Every day for three months, protesters would gather and blockade a remote logging road, preventing vehicles carrying workers from reaching their sites.
[23] Through local, national, and international news coverage, the demonstrations in the Clayoquot Sound became recognized by the public as having the potential to make significant changes to environmental policy.
[28] The logging protests and blockades received worldwide mass media attention, creating national support for environmental movements facing British Columbia and fostering a strong advocacy for anti-logging campaigns.
[6] Mass media attention began by relaying highly controversial, and at times, violent coverage of the protest events, showcasing dramatic outcomes that would lead to higher viewing and readership rates.
Reporters believed that this sort of coverage was necessary to bring attention to the cause (given the outcome of certain protests) and offered more appeal to a public that sought entertainment value in the media.
Considering the ongoing nature of the protests, a shift was made in the media in hopes of resolving the underlying issues surrounding Clayoquot Sound.
The drive to produce more reliable information surpassed the media's need to provide entertainment, which encouraged the public to understand the seriousness behind the issue taking place.
[28] Media attention began to focus on the perceived unfairness of the mass arrests after individuals joined in peaceful protests and blockades, violating a court injunction that forbid the occurrence of such events.
News sources focused on activists as having encountered on-site aggression and intimidation, which eventually helped strengthen public support for non-violent actions.
In 1989 a new forum of eleven-members formed, which meant to produce more results and resolutions by finding compromises for land use in Clayoquot Sound to satisfy all stakeholders.
In 1991, the British Columbia New Democratic Party (NDP) took up government and utilized all the information compiled from both the committee and the task force to create their Clayoquot Sound Land Use Plan, which they announced in 1993.
[23] The plan divided the forests of Clayoquot Sound into numerous regions, setting parts aside for preservation, logging, and other various activities including recreation, wildlife, and scenery.
[32] Numerous people from a variety of backgrounds and ages were arrested daily for participating in the protests, and charged with criminal contempt of court for defying an injunction banning demonstrations on company work sites.
[34] The sentences for guilty verdicts varied greatly, with punishments dependent on an individual's involvement in the protest, as well is if they had previously accumulated a criminal record.
In addition, organizations in the United States sent out mass mailings to the country's largest media sources to encourage an end to business relations with MacMillan Bloedel.
The massive financial strain on one of Canada's largest natural resource providers forced both MacMillan Bloedel and the government to the bargaining table with representatives of the Nuu-chah-nulth First Nations.
"[42] In 2000, the entire Sound was designated as a Biosphere Reserve by UNESCO, further emphasizing its ecological importance; however, this was not legally binding in preventing companies from logging in the future.
[43] The designation created world recognition of Clayoquot Sound's biological diversity, and a $12M monetary fund to "support research, education and training in the Biosphere region".
At Tla-o-qui-aht Tribal Parks, "First Nations staff harvest only the bark of trees for uses including housing, firewood, and medicinal purposes and swim in the rivers to count fish, ensuring the health of the population.
