The dispute between both states ended in the aftermath of the Colombia–Peru War, which led to the signing of the Rio Protocol two years later, finally establishing a border agreed upon by both parties to the conflict.

[12][13] With the entry of San Martín's troops into Lima on June 9, the Peruvian proclamation of independence took place on July 28 of the same year, and Trujillo, Tumbes, Jaén and Maynas being integrated into the new state.

On December 18 of the same year, the Galdeano-Mosquera Agreement was signed in Lima, which established that "Both parties recognize the limits of their respective territories, the same ones that the former Viceroyalties of Peru and Nueva Grenada."

[25] At the same time, the Peruvian army under the command of Agustín Gamarra entered Bolivia and forced Sucre to resign from the presidency, ending Colombian influence in that country.

[29] As for the procedure to carry out said delimitation, it ordered that a Commission of two people for each republic should be appointed to go over, rectify and fix the dividing line, work that should begin 40 days after the treaty had been ratified by both countries.

His expansionist spirits increased when, after the dissolution of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, numerous political voices from the ephemeral state revived the Bolivarian claim of Tumbes, Jaén and Maynas.

[42] Then, two negotiations took place between both countries: between the Peruvian ministers Matías León and Agustín Guillermo Charún, and the Ecuadorians José Félix Valdivieso and Bernardo Daste, which failed.

However, its importance lies in the fact that for the first time Peru based its rights over Maynas invoking the Royal Decree of 1802 (then lost) and the self-determination of peoples, as it would also do in future negotiations with Colombia.

The city of Mocoa was designated as the capital, covering the territories bathed by the Caquetá, Putumayo, Napo and Amazon rivers, from the border with Ecuador to Brazil.

[45] To prevent doubts regarding the mentioned Border, in the stipulations of this Convention; the high contracting parties accept the uti possidetis principle according to which the limits between the Republic of Peru and the Empire of Brazil will be fixed; Therefore, they recognize, respectively, as the border of the town of Tabatinga, and from Tabatinga to the North the straight line that will meet in front of the Yapurá River at its confluence with the Apaporis, and from Tabatinga to the South the Yavary River, from its confluence with the Amazon.When the Granadine government was made aware of this agreement, it ordered its minister in Chile, Manuel Ancízar, to raise a protest in April 1853; stating that it violated the Treaty of San Ildefonso of 1777.

The Foreign Minister of Ecuador, Carlos R. Tobar, proposed to his Peruvian counterpart, Isaac Alzamora, to enter into direct negotiations to definitively resolve the boundary dispute, dispensing with Spanish arbitration.

In order to counter popular opinion, the Peruvian government of Andrés Avelino Cáceres at first stressed the importance of such a treaty, due to a plebiscite regarding Tacna and Arica, territories occupied by Chile since the War of the Pacific.

[58][59] On December 22, 1890, the Colombian Congress issued a law by which authorizations were given to create missions and police services in the regions bathed by the Caquetá, Putumayo, Amazonas rivers and their tributaries.

His Colombian peer, Marco Fidel Suárez, indicated that:[60] (...) consulting harmony and in order not to undermine interests already created, it will not extend its action except to the territories that are currently lacking in missions and colonization (...) that such respect is not interpreted as the recognition of true domain titles and territorial sovereignty.The Colombian government, on the occasion of the diplomatic efforts between Ecuador and Peru, requested to be admitted to the boundary discussions in order to reach a definitive agreement; such efforts culminated with the tripartite convention meeting in Lima on October 11, 1894.

[61][62] Upon entering the dispute, Colombia upheld the recognition of the uti possidetis, but integrating and replacing it (in cases of obscurity and deficiency) with the principle of equity and reciprocal convenience.

Regarding the possible rights of Ecuador, Colombia argued that these do not start from the certificate of erection of the Audiencia de Quito, since this was never an autonomous entity, but dependent on the viceroyalties of Peru and New Granada.

The Ecuadorian nation and its rights were born on February 10, 1832, when Colombia recognized the separation of the provinces of Ecuador, Azuay and Guayaquil, to form an independent state.

The first article said:[64] Colombia adheres to the arbitration convention, signed between Peru and Ecuador on August 1, 1887, whose approval was exchanged in Lima on April 11, 1888; but the three high contracting parties stipulate that the royal arbitrator will rule on the issues that are the subject of the dispute, taking into account not only the titles and arguments of law that have been presented and that are presented, but also to the convenience of the contracting parties, reconciling them so that the border line is founded on law and equity.The congresses of Colombia and Peru approved the agreement, but not Ecuador, who refrained from doing so.

[62] On September 27, 1901, a protocol was signed between Colombian Foreign Minister Miguel Abadía Méndez and the Chilean plenipotentiary in Bogotá, Francisco J. Herboso, establishing an alliance between Chile, Colombia and (presumably) Ecuador.

On May 6, 1904, a treaty was signed in Lima between the Peruvian Foreign Minister José Pardo y Barreda and the Colombian Plenipotentiary Luis Tanco Argáez, which submitted the question of limits to the arbitration of the King of Spain.

VII of the Convention that was celebrated between Brazil and Peru, in Lima, on October 23, 1851, with the constant modification in the Agreement also signed in Lima on February 11 of 1874, for the exchange of territories in the Iza or Putumayo line, that is, that the border - in whole or in part - according to the result of the aforementioned litigation, be the geodesic line that goes from the mouth of the San Antonio stream, in the left bank of the Amazon, between Tabatinga and Leticia, and ends at the confluence of the Apaporis with the Yapurá or Caquetá, except in the section of the Iza or Putumayo river, cut by the same line where the alveo of the river, between the points of intersection, will form the division.On September 12, 1905, the new Peruvian legation in Bogotá (directed by the Peruvian plenipotentiary Hernán Velarde) managed to celebrate three new conventions with the Colombian Foreign Ministry: the Velarde-Calderón-Tanco treaties, with Clímaco Calderón, Foreign Minister of Colombia; and the Colombian Minister Plenipotentiary in Peru, Luis Tanco Argáez.

[72] In this context, on June 6, 1906, a status quo protocol was signed in Lima in the disputed area and a modus vivendi in the Putumayo, a river declared neutral.

The brutal crimes against the indigenous people, committed in that area by both Peruvians and Colombians, shook public opinion in Great Britain; even more so, when it was discovered that the accused for the terrible abuses had British capital.

The recruitment of natives at the hands of Peruvians and Colombians, slavery, sexual exploitation of women, the death of thousands of Amazonian indigenous people; which confirmed the allegations made earlier.

[89] On April 24, 1907, it was signed in Bogotá, between the representatives of the governments of Colombia and Brazil; Alfredo Vásquez Cobo and Enéas Martins, respectively, a treaty that defined the border, between the Cocuy stone to the mouth of the Apaporis River in Caquetá.

[99] After the La Pedrera incident, relations between Colombia and Peru were disturbed: Colombian civilians stoned the house of the Peruvian ambassador in Bogotá and their press attacked the attitude of their government.

In Peru, Leguía is still criticized for signing this treaty, considered excessively inconvenient, as it delivered over 300,000 km2, a considerable part occupied by Peruvian citizens, to Colombia.

On 1 September 1932, President Luis Miguel Sánchez dispatched two regiments of the Peruvian Army to Leticia and Tarapacá; both settlements were in the Amazonas Department, now in southern Colombia.

[109] The situation would escalate, however, as Colombia would sever relations with Peru in February 1933, and both countries would battle each other until President Luis Miguel Sánchez Cerro's assassination on the same year by an APRA member.

On May 24, 1934, the diplomatic representations of Colombia and Peru signed the Protocol of Rio de Janeiro, in the city of the same name, ratifying the Salomón-Lozano treaty, still in force today and accepted by both parties, and finally ending the territorial dispute.