CFSP deals only with a specific part of the EU's external relations, which domains include mainly Trade and Commercial Policy and other areas such as funding to third countries, etc.

Decisions require unanimity among member states in the Council of the European Union, but once agreed, certain aspects can be further decided by qualified majority voting.

The CFSP sees the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) as responsible for the territorial defence of Europe and reconciliation.

[1] The same forces and capabilities form the basis of both EU and NATO efforts, but portions can be allocated to the European Union if necessary.

Co-operation in international trade negotiations, under the EU's Common Commercial Policy, dates back to the establishment of the community in 1957.

[4] The weaknesses evident in EPC, apparent, for example during the Yugoslav wars, led to a desire to strengthen foreign policy.

Since December 2011 the High Representative (HR) is in charge of the European External Action Service (EEAS), which was also created by the Treaty of Lisbon.

According to Article J.1 of title V of the Maastricht Treaty, the European Union defines and implements a common foreign and security policy that covers all areas of foreign and security policy, the objectives of which are to: The European Council defines the principles and general guidelines for the CFSP as well as common strategies to be implemented by the EU.

On 30 August 2014 it was announced by Herman Van Rompuy that Federica Mogherini would be the new High Representative, effective on 1 November 2014.

Its mission is to find a common security culture for the EU, to help develop and project the CFSP, and to enrich Europe's strategic debate.

[10] The Union's High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR/VP) is responsible for proposing and implementing CSDP decisions.

The CSDP organisation, headed by the HR/VP, comprises relevant sections of the External Action Service (EEAS) – including the operational headquarters (MPCC) of the Military Staff (EUMS) – a number of FAC preparatory bodies – such as the Military Committee (EUMC) – as well as four Agencies, including the Defence Agency (EDA).

Now we are a member of the Union, part of this community of values, which has a common policy and, moreover, a common foreign policy.Nevertheless, a similar guarantee on neutrality in relation to the Treaty of Lisbon was granted to Ireland at the European Council of 18/19 June 2009: The European Council also agreed that other concerns of the Irish people, as presented by the Taoiseach, relating to taxation policy, the right to life, education and the family, and Ireland's traditional policy of military neutrality, would be addressed to the mutual satisfaction of Ireland and the other Member States, by way of the necessary legal guarantees.

[18] Common Position 2005/847/CFSP of the European Council of 29 November 2005 updated the list of these organizations,[19] Besides its own foreign and security policy, the commission is also gaining greater representation in international bodies.

The potential benefits of becoming a member of the EU act as an incentive for both political and economic reform in states wishing to fulfil the EU's accession criteria, and are considered a major factor contributing to the reform and stabilisation of former Communist countries in Eastern Europe.

[25] An example of the support the European Union offers to the reform processes of its neighbours is EUBAM, the European Union Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine, which assists the governments of Moldova and Ukraine in approximating their border and customs procedures to EU standards.

The European Union's influential economic status and its nation-like characteristics has been acknowledged by the United States' Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in their publication The World Factbook.

[28] The EU's aid has previously been criticised by the think-tank Open Europe for being inefficient, mis-targeted and linked to economic objectives.