Its popularity remained low until late 2014, when the party began to draw supporters from the right; in the 2015 Estonian parliamentary election, it passed the electoral threshold and won seats in parliament for the first time.

After 2007, the main political positions of the ERL were opposition to the building of the Russian-German Nord Stream 1 pipeline through the Baltic Sea, criticism of the loss of Estonian sovereignty due to membership in the European Union, support for a NATO military base being installed in Estonia, and active opposition to the Estonian Centre Party's pro-Russia policies and other perceived improper acts.

In June 2007, ERL issued a press release demanding the declaration of the Russian Ambassador to Estonia, Nikolai Uspenski, a persona non grata based on his repeated attempts at such interference.

The Conservative People's Party gives a solution to the voters who are sick of forced choice between Ansip and Savisaar, East and West, left and right.

In 2013, the attendance of Mart Helme was praised in Estonian media while the abstention of other parties' leaders was frown upon and seen as a result of Russian anti-fascist propaganda.

[65] EKRE states that the activities of the party are based on three fundamental values: It has also been labelled "far-right" by Kari Käsper, the Executive Director of Estonian Human Rights Centre,[66] and in foreign media by BBC News[67] and the Christian Science Monitor.

[69] The Simon Wiesenthal Center has called EKRE youth organisation's annual torchlight procession an "extreme right march".

"[11] The programme of EKRE states that the citizens must actively guard against the external as well as the internal enemy in order to secure the Estonian nation, the survival of its independence and its status as an ethno-state.

According to Mart Helme, Estonia is in a "demographic crisis", characterised by low birth rate and emigration of more than 100,000 Estonians in recent years.

[33] Citing a large number of Russians already imported during the Soviet occupation, the party has repeatedly ruled out supporting any further mass immigration into Estonia.

"[76] According to the political scientist Tõnis Saarts, the will to show the Russian minority "their proper place" by making the language and citizenship laws more strict seems to be the "ancient urge of this party".

"[79] Prior to the 2019 Estonian parliamentary election, Mart Helme said that there was an "overlap" between the party's "very conservative" attitudes towards immigration and "homosexual propaganda" and those of Russians in Estonia.

[85]EKRE views Estonia's form of government as heavily biased towards representative democracy, without means for the people to have an influence on politics other than elections.

[86] The party program includes support of the right of citizens to create initiatives if at least 25,000 registered voters sign a petition to put a bill on referendum.

According to the party, Rail Baltica could potentially bring great benefit to the economy of Estonia, but the current project has a questionable impact on the environment and local communities, as well as a doubtful economic viability.

[89] In 2016, both Mart Helme and Henn Põlluaas proposed that the current project should be replaced with a vactrain or Hyperloop connecting Estonia to Central Europe.

[98][99] However, Martin Helme later expressed criticism of Estonian aid to Ukraine, citing the need to prioritize infrastructure investment,[100] and suggested that Estonia "concentrate on striving for peace".

After the 2016 Turkish coup d'état attempt, EKRE expressed regret over its defeat and called Turkey "no more democratic country than Russia".

[73] Martin Helme has expressed sympathy for American presidential candidate Donald Trump, including his argument the Baltic countries need to make a financial contribution in exchange for the military alliance with the United States.

It's namely our party that has been saying for a long time that making initial independent defense capability strong is the most important thing, allies being the next component," said Helme.

[107] During the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Martin Helme proposed a weapon deal between Estonia and Israel to defend the country from Russia.

In addition to politics, the youth of Blue Awakening focus on art, music and right-wing philosophy such as the Traditionalist School of Julius Evola and René Guénon.

According to Blue Awakening, "the event is meant to honor those who have fallen for the nation of Estonia and to signify that Estonian youth have not abandoned the patriotic principles.

"[118][119][120][121] The event has been condemned by the Simon Wiesenthal Center who described it as "Nuremberg-esque" and likened the ideology of the participants to that of the Estonian collaborators with the Nazi German regime during World War II.

The declaration calls for a new national awakening of the Baltic countries and warns about threats posed by international globalism, multiculturalism and Russian imperialist ambitions.

Among the former one finds agricultural laborers, larger households who struggle financially, elderly individuals living in poverty, and disillusioned young people.

The districts in which the party came a close second (Laane-Viru, Jarva and Viljandi) are typified by the highest average standard output per agricultural holding.

They also qualify as those hardest hit by the economic recession, which is indicative of the far-right’s ability to marshal support from relatively better-off electorate, disillusioned with their previous choice of the Reform Party.

Additionally, some owners of small and large businesses who are unhappy with policies that benefit multinational corporations and the wealthy ruling class also support the far-right party.

Interestingly, even some locally-owned companies based in Tallinn, such as the software consultancy multinational Helmes, showed support for the far-right party's economic agenda.