Constitutional patriotism
In essence, it is an attempt to re-conceptualize group identity with a focus on the interpretation of citizenship as a loyalty that goes beyond individuals' ethnocultural identification.
Theorists believe this to be more defensible than other forms of shared commitment in a diverse modern state with multiple languages and group identities.
The concept of constitutional patriotism originates from Post-World War II West Germany, which has been described as "a 'half-nation' with a sense of deeply compromised nationality on account of their Nazi past.
[12] The concept can be traced to the liberal philosopher Karl Jaspers, who advocated the idea of dealing with German political guilt after the war with "collective responsibility".
Sternberger saw constitutional patriotism as a protective means to ensure political stability to maintain peace in Germany in the aftermath of the Second World War.
Habermas played a key role in developing, contextualizing, and spreading the idea of constitutional patriotism to English-speaking countries.
"[18] In a disenchanted world, individual and collective identities were no longer formed by internalizing nationalist values but by becoming aware of "what they want and what others expect from them in the light of moral concerns" from an impartial position.
[12] He argued that the European nation-state was successful because "it made possible a new mode of legitimation based on a new, more abstract form of social integration.
[21] His ideas center on political attachment, democratic legitimacy, and citizenship in a context that rejects nationalism and addresses multicultural states, such as the European Union.
[21] He provides some of the only extensive analysis on Sternberger and Habermas's original theories and has developed and improved accessibility of the idea to the English-speaking world.
Müller grounds his arguments for constitutional patriotism in the idea that political theory should supply citizens with the tools to rethink their commonalities or unifying features.
He argues that, while constitutional patriotism is distinct from liberal nationalism and cosmopolitanism, the best moral attributes of these theories can be combined to form a plausible and appealing style of political allegiance.
[8] Calhoun says constitutional patriotism is a common project shared among all citizens, which is molded by a state's public discourse and culture.
In order to measure the thickness of allegiance in a type of constitutional patriotism, Fossum examines three factors: exit, voice, and loyalty.
[25] Fossum believes that it is crucial to pay attention to exit and to a nation's historical memory in order to understand thickness.
[26] This identity would be based on "broadly inclusive concept[s] of citizenship" and "a sense of identification with a political system that delivered freedom and equality to every citizen" as established in the 1978 constitution.
[4] The principles of the Declaration of Independence contribute to the basis of constitutional patriotism in America because, as William Kristol and Robert Kagan say, they are "not merely the choices of a particular culture but are universal, enduring, and self-evident truths.
[37] Throughout the country's early history, the Constitution was used as the basis for establishing foreign policy and determining the government's ability to acquire land from other nations.
In the country's inception, government officials broadly interpreted the Constitution in order to establish an archetypical model for foreign policy.
[44] In the 1950s, thousands of Americans, including government officials, members of the armed forces, cultural stars, and ordinary citizens, had to stand before a congressional board to prove that they had no communist relations.
[45] This strict adherence to the constitution's declarations and fear of communism led to the removal of civil liberties of many citizens and the suspension or inversion of the law.
[46] However, after numerous televised hearings and irrational accusations, Senator Joseph McCarthy was deemed no longer legitimate by the American people, and the communist concern regarding constitutional patriotism was relatively abandoned.
[47] This confirms Müller's argument that, while instances like McCarthyism are possible in countries which adhere to constitutional patriotism, these societies often have values which eventually contest intolerance.
[2] The civil rights movement in the 20th century often referred to the constitution in order to gain popularity and legitimacy with the American people.
[25] Creating a unified European identity is a difficult task, but constitutional patriotism has offered a liberal alternative to other forms of nationalism.
[56] It allows people to remain attached to a unique culture, potentially to their individual countries, but still share a common patriotic identity with other Europeans.
[25][59][60] Similarly, in the context of a history of wars, persecutions, genocide, and ethnic cleansing, states may choose to gather behind a constitution at the supranational level.
[61] Today, constitutional patriotism plays a role in distancing the current European Union from its past totalitarian experiences with Nazism and Stalinism.
[58] Other skeptics note institutional features, such as a lack of focus on meaningful electoral politics, as reasons for why it has not fully been embraced at the supranational level in the European Union.
[68] "By inserting the protection of pluralism, perhaps modeled on the liberal safeguard of freedom of faith, constitution patriotism might gain much cognitive strength.
