[6] The bilateral relation includes development aid, joint business ventures, large financial transactions, exchange of energy resources and information technology, and cooperation in the fields of intelligence service and military.

MacGregor, purportedly commissioned by general Simón Bolívar, had raised funds and troops for a full-scale invasion of Florida, but squandered much of the money on luxuries.

The modern Flag of Cuba originates from his first expedition landed in Cárdenas, was designed by Lopez, as well as a local Cuban named Miguel Teurbe Tolon.

Cristóbal Mendoza reached the rank of colonel and died in front of the Spanish firing squad on December 30, 1870, two days after falling prisoner in Najasa, Camagüey.

In 1871 the president Antonio Guzman Blanco, supported the so-called "Venezuelan Expedition of the Vanguard", which landed in the eastern department of Cuba on June 17 commanded by the Cuban Brigadier Rafael de Quesada.

[8][9] Throughout the years of Fidel Castro's guerilla which fight in the Sierra Maestra aimed at overthrowing the dictator Fulgencio Batista, there were numerous gestures and actions of Venezuelan solidarity with the 26th of July Movement.

Following the ousting of dictator Marcos Perez Jimenez on January 23, 1958 a street campaign called "The March of Bolivar to the Sierra Maestra" raised $220,000 in funds, in addition to securing a substantial amount of arms and ammunition that were delivered to Cuban guerilla after being transported by Captain Hector Abdelnour Musa on board a C-46 airplane purchased for that purpose.

This operation was managed by René Estévez, with the knowledge and approval of then-President Wolfgang Larrazabal, and the support of his brother, Carlos, and other officers, such as Hugo Trejo.

On January 3, 1959, the Minister of State of Cuba requested from the Venezuelan Ministry of Foreign Affairs the recognition of the new Cuban Government, which emerged after the fall of Batista.

[10] Castro was honored with a welcoming ceremony offered by the Congress, and also at the Venezuela Central University, the Municipal Council of Caracas and the multitudinary meeting in the Plaza El Silencio.

At the Venezuela Central University, he met a great poet, the Chilean Pablo Neruda, who spoke in a massive act of students and read his Canto a Bolivar.

Relations rapidly deteriorated after president Rómulo Betancourt came to power in February, 1959 as Castro sought to bring Venezuela's oil wealth into his own revolution.

[1] In January 1962, Venezuela voted to expel Cuba from the Organization of American States (OAS) and in July 1964 successfully petitioned to have OAS sanctions imposed on Cuba after the discovery of arms cache on a Venezuelan beach the previous November, dropped by Cubans for use by the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional (FALN) guerrillas seeking to establish a Marxist government.

Along with 15 other Cuban troops sent by Castro to strengthen guerrillas fighting alongside Venezuelan militant Douglas Bravo, they attempted to attack the government of Raúl Leoni which ended in a major strategic loss and a large cost of human life.

[15] Once Betancourt and his similarly minded successor Raúl Leoni left office, Venezuela increasingly identified with the Third World and guerrilla activity waned, with Castro renouncing his exportation of his revolution, allowing for a tentative rapprochement.

Diplomatic relations were restored in 1974 by government of Carlos Andrés Pérez, oil deliveries resumed, and Venezuela advocated Cuba's readmission to the OAS.

Castro became a national hero in Cuba after his failed Moncada Barracks attacks on July 26, 1953, and Chávez led the unsuccessful February 1992 Venezuelan coup d'état attempt.

[18] He called Castro "brother" and said: Here we are, as alert as ever, Fidel and Hugo, fighting with dignity and courage to defend the interests of our people, and to bring alive the idea of Bolívar and Martí.

"[11] Venezuela would trade tens of thousands of barrels of oil for military personnel and intelligence from Cuba while Chávez also received assistance with social programs in order to maintain voter loyalty.

At the opening of the meeting, Maduro said Cuban Revolution "showed us the path of the second, real political, economic, social and cultural independence 50 years ago".

The United States, Canada, and most of Western Europe and Latin America (including Brazil, Colombia, Argentina) recognized Guaidó as interim president.

[30][31] In April 2019, the opposition-majority National Assembly voted and approved to cut Venezuela's oil supply to Cuba, aiming to save at least US$2,585,000 daily, according to its President Juan Guaidó.

[35] On January 25, 2007, Chávez and Cuba's Vice President Carlos Lage signed an agreement to develop a range of production projects which involved nickel, electricity and rice.

In October 2000, Chávez and Castro signed the Convenio Integral de Cooperación under which Venezuela will send 53,000-barrel (8,400 m3) per day of oil to Cuba and will receive technical support in the fields of education, health care, sports, science and technology.

[43] In 2019, the opposition controlled National Assembly voted and approved to cut Venezuela's oil supply to Cuba, saving at least $2,585,000 daily, according to its Speaker Juan Guaidó.

[32] In return for Venezuelan oil, Cuba is sending approximately 30,000 to 50,000 technical personnel to Venezuela, including physicians, sport coaches, teachers, and arts instructors who offer social services, often in poverty-stricken regions.

[7] American journalist and political scientist Michael Radu in his book Dilemmas of Democracy & Dictatorship expressed negative view over this bilateral relations stating "most of Chávez' policies are distinctly anti-democratic, often unconstitutional, and usually anti-American and pro-Castro".

[45] Another American, Frank Gaffney, founder of the Center for Security Policy organization, expressed similar negative view in the book War Footing where he writes, "Chávez represents what Castro always wanted to be: the leader of a revolution that extends well beyond his own territory.

gave the example that in 1952 the United States supported a coup which installed Fulgencio Batista as dictator of Cuba and writes "U.S. overthrows of elected governments are nothing new, as demonstrated in Brazil, Chile, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti, to name a few".

[17] British-Pakistani historian, filmmaker and political campaigner Tariq Ali in a letter to The Guardian wrote, "The government of the US has no moral authority to elect itself as the judge over human rights in Cuba, where there has not been a single case of disappearance, torture or extra-judicial execution since 1959, and where despite the economic blockade, there are levels of health, education and culture that are internationally recognised".