This means allowing Hong Kong citizens to elect the Chief Executive and all Legislative Council (LegCo) members through "one person, one vote" without "unreasonable restrictions," including the abolition of functional constituencies.

The Basic Law, Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, promised eventual universal suffrage, but Beijing repeatedly delayed or restricted its implementation.

Following the 2019 protests and the landslide victory of pro-democracy candidates in district elections, Beijing responded by dismantling Hong Kong’s already fragile democratic institutions.

This attempt at an extremely limited form of democracy (there were only 141 such electors, of whom half were non-British)[1]: 164  was rejected by the Colonial Office on the basis that Chinese residents had no respect "for the main principles upon which social order rests.

[3]: 470 In response to the Chinese revolution, the Societies Ordinance was passed, which required registration of all organisations and resurrected the key test seen in the 1884 legislation for ruling them unlawful.

[10] When Mao Zedong's communists defeated the nationalists in the Chinese Civil War, democratic reform in Hong Kong was no longer a priority for London.

[8] The Foreign Office was concerned not so much that the Central People's Government would object to democratic changes in Hong Kong, but that Grantham's plan would give them reason to complain that the reforms were "undemocratic".

The Foreign Office was concerned that reform at the height of the Korean War would trigger propaganda campaigns by the Communists and could be used by them as an excuse to reclaim Hong Kong.

[14] Ultimately, however, Governor Grantham allowed minor reform proposals [15] and, as a result, two pre-war existing seats in the virtually powerless Urban Council were directly elected in 1952; this was doubled to four the following year.

[16]: 224 Records declassified in 2014 show discussions about self-government between British and Hong Kong governments resumed in 1958, prompted by the Indian independence movement and growing anti-colonial sentiment in the remaining Crown Colonies.

[20] In the absence of democratic legitimacy, the colonial government slowly implemented a system of formal advisory bodies, integrating interest groups into the policy-making process during the 1970s, which enabled grievances and controversies to be discussed and resolved.

[24] The Sino-British Joint Declaration stated that "the legislature of the [Hong Kong Special Administrative Region] shall be constituted by elections"; then British Foreign Secretary Geoffrey Howe further promised the democratic process would start "in the years immediately ahead", but they stalled due to opposition from Beijing, local business interests as represented by Executive Council, and the British Foreign Office under the pretext that it would bring chaos to Hong Kong.

Patten had judged that: "People in Hong Kong are perfectly capable of taking a greater share in managing their own affairs in a way that is responsible, mature, restrained, sensible".

[25][better source needed] The Legislative Council set up by Patten to be partially elected by universal suffrage was dismantled by the PRC and replaced by an entirely unelected provisional legislature.

[25] An article in Journal of Democracy argued that "Hong Kong's political development has lagged in the face of well-documented PRC efforts to impede progress toward direct elections, universal suffrage, and other democratizing reforms that Beijing fears might loosen its control.

[31] Pro-democracy activists, including Emily Lau, Andrew Cheng and Lee Cheuk-yan, insisted this threatened Hong Kong's welfare by denying the city full democracy.

[32] Following a massive protest against a proposal to implement Article 23, which took place on 1 July 2003 and attracted half a million marchers, Beijing appointed Zeng Qinghong to oversee policy issues for Hong Kong.

[37] The Pan-democrats, especially, have voiced concerns that small-circle elections and the undemocratic functional constituencies threaten Hong Kong's autonomy granted to them by the Basic Law.

Li Gang of the Central Government Liaison Office in Hong Kong warned that advocating a referendum was in breach of the Basic Law, and that it would be "playing with fire.

While admitting a clear majority of Hong Kong people wanted universal suffrage in 2007 and 2008, Liberal Party chairman James Tien did not back the referendum motion.

[43] At the second meeting of the new Legislative Council Constitutional Affairs Panel on 15 November, chairman Lui Ming-wah once again deferred voting on the motion brought over from the previous month.

[44] On 29 November, the motion tabled by Fernando Cheung before the full Legislative Council, calling for a referendum on the introduction of universal suffrage in 2007–08, was scuppered by the pro-Beijing camp – DAB, the Liberal Party and the Alliance – by 31 votes to 20.

[46] In March 2007, the pan-democrats published their own blueprint, the 'mainstream transitional proposal' drawn up with the support of 21 legislators in accordance with the principles of equal and universal suffrage and as a reflection of public opinion.

Appropriate amendments conforming to the principle of gradual and orderly progress may be made to the specific method for selecting the fourth Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in the year 2012 and the specific method for forming the fifth term Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in the year 2012 in accordance with the provisions of Articles 45 and 68, and those of Article 7 of Annex I and Article III of Annex II to the Basic Law The decision stipulated that: The bills on the amendments to the method for selecting the Chief Executive and the proposed amendments to such bills shall be introduced by the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to the Legislative Council; such amendments must be made with the endorsement of a two-thirds majority of all the members of the Legislative Council and the consent of the Chief Executive The Asia Times remarked that both proposals for LegCo and for the Chief Executive "hedged in with so many ifs and buts that there is no guarantee of Hong Kong getting anything at all... "[50] On 18 November 2009, the government published the Consultation Document on the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive and for Forming the LegCo in 2012 which proposed to enlarge the Election Committee for the chief executive election from 800 members to 1,200 in 2012 and increasing the number of Legislative Council members from 60 to 70.

[55] Qiao Xiaoyang, head of the NPC's Hong Kong Basic Law Committee, said that the passage of the reform package would "create excellent conditions for universal suffrage in the future.

"[56] Constitutional Affairs minister Stephen Lam insisted the 2012 electoral reform proposal is "more democratic than the 2005 package" rejected by LegCo, and more likely to advance the city's political system if approved.

[59][60] Chief Secretary Henry Tang said the government would consider scrapping appointed district councillors if sufficient opposition lawmakers promise to support the 2012 political reform package.

[76] Seven of these pro-democratic lawmakers, including six men and one woman, were detained by Hong Kong authorities in October 2020, on charges of contempt and interfering with members of the council.

The warrants were issued just days after the third anniversary of a national security law that granted Hong Kong authorities extraterritorial powers to prosecute acts or comments made anywhere in the world that it deems criminal.

[91] While Article 23 of Basic Law was completed in March 2024, as of October 2024, Article 45 of Basic Law has not been fulfilled, the Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee when asked about universal suffrage being in his term's agenda, during his 2024 Policy Address in October replied "Political reform has been settled, at this moment, with the introduction of – first of all – the new election system for LegCo members, for the chief executive, and also after improving the district administration system.