In phenomenological or ethnographic research, interviews are used to uncover the meanings of central themes in the life world of the subjects from their own point of view.
When choosing to interview as a method for conducting qualitative research, it is important to be tactful and sensitive in your approach.
Such questions might encourage a participant to elaborate upon something poignant that they've shared and are important in acquiring a more comprehensive understanding of the subject matter.
If the narrative, details, or chronology of a participant's responses become unclear, it is often appropriate for the interviewer to ask them to re-explain these aspects of their story so as to keep their transcriptions accurate.
If too much time is spent dwelling on minute details or if too many follow-up questions are asked, it is possible that the participant will become defensive or unwilling to share.
While they are often asked innocently they run the risk of altering the validity of the responses obtained as they discourage participants from using their own language to express their sentiments.
Thus, many interviewers find it helpful to ask the participant to address them as if they were "someone else,"[1] such as a close friend or family member.
[1] With the advent of new telecommunications technologies, and especially those which allow real-time conversation with both a visual and sound component (i.e. Zoom (software)), research interviews may take place online at times.
The use of virtual interview methods increased following the isolation requirements of the 2019 Covid-19 pandemic, and remains in widespread use.
This level of detailed description, whether it be verbal or nonverbal, can show an otherwise hidden interrelatedness between emotions, people, objects unlike many quantitative methods of research.
Researchers can tailor the questions they ask to the respondent in order to get rich, full stories and the information they need for their project.
Not only do they have to make the respondent feel very comfortable, they have to keep as much eye contact as possible, write down as much as they can, and think of follow up questions.
Since the job of interviewers is to learn, not to treat or counsel, they do not offer participants any advice, but nonetheless, telling an attentive listener about concerns and cares can be pleasing.
[13] Furthermore, the comparatively intimate nature of interviews can make participants feel vulnerable to harm or exploitation.
In these situations, participants may be fearful of providing a "wrong answer," or saying something that could potentially get them into trouble and reflect on them negatively.
[14] Thus, researchers should always be concerned with the potential for participant feelings of vulnerability, especially in situations where personal information is revealed.
In order to combat such feelings of vulnerability and inequity and to make participants feel safe, equal, and respected, researchers should provide them with information about the study, such as who is running it and what potential risks it might entail, and also with information about their rights, such as the right to review interview materials and withdraw from the process at any time.
"[15] These power dynamics present in interviews can also have specific effects on different social groups according to racial background, gender, age, and class.
[14] Gender dynamics can similarly affect feelings, with men sometimes acting overbearingly when interviewing women and acting dismissively when being interviewed by women, and same-gendered pairs being vulnerable to false assumptions of commonality or a sense of implicit competition.
[14] In order to minimize these social group related negative feelings, researchers should remain sensitive to possible sources of such tensions, and act accordingly by emphasizing good manners, respect, and a genuine interest in the participant, all of which can all help bridge social barriers.
[17] These findings indicate children have the skills to discuss their experiences, thoughts, and emotions; they can be considered experts on their own lives.
[17] Much of the methodological resources that discuss strategies for interviewing children present information from child development as a justification of this practice.
[20] Further, it is important for researchers to resist falling into a "teacher mode", which signals participants that there is a right or wrong answer to the interview questions.
[22][21][19][17] Practices including allowing children to guide the conversation, the use of a comfortable environment, and flexible methodology are echoed in ethical considerations.
[17] In contrast, Poinzovsky-Bergelson, Dayan, Wahle, and Roer-Strier found affirmations and encouragement from researchers elicited what was deemed to be the richest data.
This model of interviewing to be easily implemented, engage students, and diminish barriers and power dynamics between the child and the researcher.
[24] Child-created visual data was utilized in the New Zealand study of children with motor impairments; students were asked to draw or paint their choice of leisure activity and then engaged in a conversation about what they drew.
[21] In an informal, conversational interview, no predetermined questions are asked in order to remain as open and adaptable as possible to the interviewee's nature and priorities.
This provides more focus than the conversational approach, but still allows a degree of freedom and adaptability in getting the information from the interviewee.
[full citation needed] However these factors can be reduced or minimized by training interviews to recognized them.