He worked to develop Dominica's roads system and championed the native dance bélé, the Kwéyòl language and the country's national day.

The DLP began to face challenges from the newly established Dominica Freedom Party and the growing youth and Rastafarian movements.

[2] LeBlanc joined the Dominica Labour Party (DLP) in 1957, which had been established on 24 May 1955 by the trade unionist Emmanuel Christopher Loblack and the writer Phyllis Shand Allfrey.

[2][9] Douglas was a powerful adversary, as a businessman who controlled trade between Portsmouth and the capital in Roseau, but LeBlanc captured public interest due to his charisma and for campaigning in patois.

[11] The elections were a Labour landslide, largely because the country's middle class saw no future in the federation and, believing it would soon collapse, did not field a strong candidate to oppose them.

[15][16][17] In the election on 17 January 1961, he won one of the eleven seats in the legislature, defeating Frank Baron to represent the Roseau South constituency.

LeBlanc was committed to achieving independence from Britain and to helping poor workers, whom he called "little men", a catchphrase that still remains in Dominican politics.

[1][24][25] He had a strong relationship with the working class and black communities, who felt represented in government for the first time, although his focus on rural citizens was frequently contrasted with his contempt for those that he considered elite, notably those from Roseau who had historically held political power, which were often described by the DLP as the "mulatto gros bourg".

Despite the criticism that he faced for this decision, it led to a change in social norms and the typical formal wear on the island became a loose white shirt described as an "Afro-Jacket".

[35][34] In the 1966 general election, the DUPP were soundly defeated by the DLP, retaining only one seat in the legislature, and following the resignation of Baron, the party dissolved.

The discussions carried on for four years, with LeBlanc expressing that the new federation "would preserve democracy in the area", but no results ever materialised and Dominica was ultimately left to determine its own constitutional change.

[39][40] In April 1966, London hosted the Windward Islands Constitutional Conference, which established a plan for the British to grant Dominica associated statehood.

On 1 March 1967, the Dominica Constitutional Order 1967 came into force and under the new structure, a governor would act as the executive, advised by a cabinet comprising a premier and government ministers serving in the House of Assembly.

[41][25] This arrangement meant that Dominica had control over its own internal politics and policies, while Britain would handle the country's foreign affairs and national defense.

[42] The DLP received its first challenge since the dissolution of the DUPP in 1968, when a speech criticising the government for supposed communist policies was reported in the Dominica Herald.

A group of newspaper editors, including Allfrey of the Dominica Star, Stanley Boyd of the Chronicle and Edward Scobie of the Herald, increased their criticism of a government that faced no significant political challenge.

The government, led by LeBlanc, reacted by passing legislation intended to restrict media criticism, the Seditious and Undesirable Publications Act, which was nicknamed the "Shut-Your-Mouth Bill".

[36][43] These editors, led by the barrister Eugenia Charles, founded a group called the Freedom Fighters, composed of upper-class merchants and professionals.

The Freedom Fighters held rallies and infiltrated the House of Assembly to disrupt debates on the legislation but despite these efforts, the act was passed.

[52] The country's close links with Guyana, particularly the People's National Congress led by the prime minister Forbes Burnham, began to gather notice.

[32][53] In 1971, LeBlanc met with leaders of Guyana and other Caribbean states and was the first to sign the Grenada Declaration on 25 July 1972, which was intended to strength relationships in the region, but it was politically controversial in Dominica.

[57][58] During this time, LeBlanc's deputy premier Armour resigned on 13 July 1973 and was subsequently blamed for the circumstances leading to the state of emergency.

[58][61][62] LeBlanc's deputy premier Patrick John gained prominence in the party for his radio appearances calling for an aggressive response.