End of Basque home rule in Spain
The Embrace of Bergara showed an intricate wording, whereby General Baldomero Espartero would strongly recommend the Spanish government to respect Basque laws and institutions, allowing ample leeway for further interpretation on its elaboration.
The central government in Madrid was controlled by a liberal majority, who opposed Basque home rule, in turn pushing an additional phrase to its ratification, "with due regard to the constitutional unity of the Monarchy" (October 1839).
According to the Minister of Grace and Justice Lorenzo de Arrazola the phrase meant "unity in all the big bonds", but would involve for instance the establishment of a Spanish governmental deputy in each district, as well as leaving lesser matters to the different Basque institutions.
By contrast, high-ranking officials of Navarre's Provincial (not the traditional Chartered) Council appointed a task-force submitted to Madrid with a negotiation mandate based on the October 1839 Act.
Yanguas y Miranda's position was supported by San Sebastián's city council, spearheaded by Tomas de Zumalacarregui's brother Miguel Antonio.
[6] The decree brought customs over to the Pyrenees and the coast permanently, and San Sebastián and Pasaia were declared ports for foreign trade.
[6] The 1841 stand-off came to an end on arrival to the Spanish government of Ramón María Narváez and his moderate Conservatives, who decreed a legal arrangement acknowledging a limited but relevant statute reminiscent of full Basque self-government (July 1844).
During the following nearly 30 years, the authorities of the Basque Provinces avoided a demand for full reintegration of sovereignty, instead clinging to a shaky peace based on ad hoc bargaining with the Spanish government with respect to fiscal contribution and military draft, e.g. African war campaign, 1859-60.
The Carlist forces remained strong across rural areas, but were unable to take over the capital cities of the provinces, home to the main Spanish military strongholds, as well as the liberal bourgeoisie.
Since the chartered councils had remained in the capital cities during war, these officials were Liberals, still favouring the preservation of the "7-centuries long" home rule.
[15] The law pushed by prime minister Antonio Canovas del Castillo abolished the Basque institutional system of Biscay, Álava, and Gipuzkoa, virtually assimilating it to the status held by Navarre (established in 1841).
[18] The first article of the July 21, 1876 law proclaimed: The duties the political Constitution has always imposed upon all the Spanish to do the military service when they are called by law, and contribute in proportion of their assets to the state expenditures, hereby expand to the inhabitants of the provinces of Biscay, Gipuzkoa and Álava, just as others of the Nation.Hoping the 1841 Ley Paccionada that officially turned the semi-autonomous Kingdom of Navarre into another province of Spain would shelter them from the central government's tampering, the Navarrese initially steered clear of the clash between Madrid and the Basque general councils.
[24] However, Canovas was a pragmatic; other than military strongholds, customs officials, and courts in the capital cities, the Spanish governmental infrastructure was virtually non-existent in the Basque Provinces.
[27][28] The fiscal quota remained unaltered since 1841, so he decided to change that and totally level Navarre with a regular Spanish province in the national budget.
During the preliminary parliamentary debates, the dividing gulf between the government and the Basque-Navarrese became apparent; Canovas del Castillo was adamant that the war ending 1839 and 1841 laws were nothing near of a treaty.
However, the climate of tension generated persuaded the Spanish premier that some kind of compromise with the three Basque councils was the only solution to prevent further unrest, and guarantee long-run stability.
The initial convergence of the Basques around the defence of the fueros from 1876 to 1878 failed to gain momentum once the worst of the political crisis was over, with electoral Carlism incorporating much of their demands.
The split of interests among the Basques soon became apparent, which in turn diffused the plural pro-fueros movement, contributing to the integration of the industrialist upper classes into Spain.
[43] In stark contrast to their coastal counterparts, Álava and Navarre went through a gradual economic stagnation, remaining tied to the land with a population made-up of peasants, small farmers, rural notables, and wealthy landowners.
The newcomers had little reason to associate themselves to their adopted homeland and their Basque employers, with the new Socialist movement embracing Spanish nationalism as a means of uniting the masses.
The attempt to totally level Navarre with Spain was met with a popular and institutional uprising known as the Gamazada (1893-1894), and the ensuing foundation of modern Basque nationalism by Sabino Arana, centered in Biscay.
