He has served in the Serbian and Yugoslavian parliaments, led the Bosniak National Council, and played a prominent role in the local government of Tutin.
He was one of the founders of the Bosniak Cultural Society "Revival" on 9 March 1991, founded and became the first director of the Sandžak National Library "Vehbija Hodžić" in 1994, and was chosen as editor of the newspaper Sandžačkih novina in January 1996.
[1] Džudžo founded the True Party of Democratic Action (Prava Stranka demokratske akcije, PSDA) on 15 June 1996 in Novi Pazar.
The LZS won a landslide victory in Tutin in the 1996 Serbian local elections with thirty-two out of thirty-five seats, and Džudžo was chosen afterward as president of the municipality's executive committee.
The Bosnian News Agency BH Press described the sentence as politically motivated and as taking place in the context of ongoing state persecution of the Bosniak community.
During the 1990s, Serbian and Yugoslavian politics were dominated by the authoritarian rule of Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) leader Slobodan Milošević and his allies.
The List for Sandžak also won a second consecutive landslide victory in Tutin for the 2000 Serbian local elections, taking thirty-four out of thirty-seven seats.
[17] In June 2002, Yugoslavian president Vojislav Koštunica appointed Džudžo to a constitutional commission drafting the charter of the new State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (successor to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia).
[18] At a press conference after his appointment, Džudžo called for the commission to address the issue of minority communities via accepted European standards, which would include setting guidelines for regionalization.
[19] As a member of the committee, he called for Bosniaks to be recognized as a constituent nation of Serbia and Montenegro and proposed that an assembly of peoples and regions become part of the future state union's parliament.
[22] Džudžo ultimately resigned from the commission in November 2002 when it refused to accept some of his proposals; he said that he could not agree to "the Sandžak region that stretches on both sides of the [Serbia-Montenegro] border being divided.
"[23] In January 2003, he said that the completed charter did not recognize the legitimate rights of national minorities and created a legal framework for the division of its two constituent republics.
[24] The Yugoslavian Chamber of Republics was abolished when the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro formally came into being on 4 February 2003, and Džudžo's parliamentary term came to an end.
Džudžo and Omeragić (who also received an assembly mandate) by contrast expressed an interest in joining the new ministry, saying they had a technical alliance with the DS but were not bound by its decisions.
[37] In late 2004, he urged Serbian state authorities to include the Bosnian language with elements of national culture as an optional subject in elementary and secondary schools.
[41] Džudžo and Omeragić were removed from the DS's assembly group on 30 August 2005 after voting against the party's wishes on a number of key issues, including the privatization of Naftna Industrija Srbije (NIS).
Džudžo was appointed as a deputy minister in the ministry of education, although he ultimately declined the position in order to continue serving in the national assembly.
[46] Ugljanin and Džudžo encouraged Montenegro's Bosniak community to vote in favour of a continued state union in the 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum.
In the aftermath of the vote, Džudžo advocated for the long-term goal of regional self-government in the Serbian Sandžak with continued ties to Montenegro's Bosniak community under European models of trans-boundary cooperation.
[56] When the Serbian government created new statistical regions for the country in 2010, Džudžo urged that the municipalities of the Sandžak be counted as a separate administrative district within Šumadija and Western Serbia.
He later called for the interior ministry to take decisive measures to increase the numbers of Bosniaks and members of other national minorities in Serbia's police force in the Sandžak region.
The results were extremely contentious, and the legitimacy of the Bosniak Cultural Community's victory was contested by both the Serbian government and Ugljanin's party.
[65] In May 2014, Džudžo called for Bosniaks to change their surnames by removing the "-ić" and "-vić" suffixes that he said had been imposed on the community after the Sandžak was incorporated into the states of Serbia and Montenegro.
The SDP and Rasim Ljajić have not been interested in this story so far, but I welcome the decision to devote themselves to resolving the identity and national rights of Bosniaks.