Ethnomusicology

Hood addressed this by stressing the need to unlearn Western musical conventions when studying non-Western traditions showcasing the inevitable arguments that may arise in the future on the nature of ethnomusicological research.

[19] Hornbostel, a student of Stumpf, expanded on this scientific approach by developing comparative musicology methods that emphasized objective analysis of elements such as pitch, rhythm, and timbre across musical traditions.

This debate is well exemplified by a series of articles between Mieczyslaw Kolinski and Marcia Herndon in the mid-1970s; these authors differed strongly on the style, nature, implementation, and advantages of analytical and synthetic models including their own.

[65] Part of the problem, Nettl notes, is that the vast majority of ethnomusicologists are "members of Western society who study non-Western music,"[64] contributing to the perception that wealthy, white individuals are taking advantage of their privilege and resources.

Researchers want to avoid the perception — accurate or exaggerated — that they're entering poorer and less technologically advanced communities, treating residents like test subjects, gleaning all they can, and then penning condescending reports about the quaintness of native music.

"[66] American ethnomusicologist and Wesleyan University professor Mark Slobin notes that most ethical concerns stem from interactions that occur during fieldwork between the researcher and the informant, or member of the community being studied.

Nettl concludes his writing by stating that despite the wide variety of different kinds of music, the ways in which people everywhere have chosen to sing and play are more alike than the boundaries of the imaginable might suggest.

[78] In the 1970s, a number of scholars, including musicologist Charles Seeger and semiotician Jean-Jacques Nattiez, proposed using methodology commonly employed in linguistics as a new way for ethnomusicologists to study music.

[79][80] This new approach, widely influenced by the works of linguist Ferdinand de Saussure, philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce, and anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss, among others, focused on finding underlying symbolic structures in cultures and their music.

[85] Another approach, introduced by Steven Feld, is for ethnomusicologists interested in creating ethnographically detailed analysis of people's lives; this comparative study deals with making pairwise comparisons about competence, form, performance, environment, theory, and value/equality.

As Nettl puts it,[88] there are three common conceptions held by so-called host cultures: 1) The intentions of Western ethnomusicologists are not to study their traditions from a standpoint of interest and respect but as a comparison to their own customs.

In a chapter that recounts his field recordings among Native Americans of the northern plains, for instance, he attempts to come to terms with the problematic history of ethnographic fieldwork, and envision a future trajectory for the practice in the 21st century and beyond.

For example, David McAllester and Bruno Nettl's fieldwork on Enemy Way music[105] is very much an example of applied ethnomusicology, where ethical values were closely considered and where the approach itself is comprehensive and designed to share understanding for the betterment of the Navajo nation.

"[66] Steven Feld also argues that ethnomusicologists also have their place in analyzing the ethics of popular music collaboration, such as Paul Simon's work with traditional zydeco, Chicano, and South African beats on Graceland.

[137] Koskoff recalls that women musicians who do manage to become popular in mainstream culture may start to take on masculine-coded musical qualities, even if it was their expression of femininity through performance that initially elicited their acclaim.

[148] In this instance, feminine musical expression becomes a highly political issue, with right-wing Orthodox men insisting it was impossible for a man to hear a woman singing without experiencing it as a sexual act, and male partnership minyan participants concluding instead that certain considerations of modesty were not applicable in the context of their prayer.

By tracing the historical development of the phonograph, radio, cassette recordings, and television, Manuel shows that, following the practice set in the western world, music has become a commodity in many societies, that it no longer has the same capacity to unite a community, to offer a kind of "mass catharsis" as one scholar put it.

Stokes mentions how modernity and new technology has created a separation between place or "locale" (referring to the physical setting of social activity as situated geographically) and space (the location from where the music is being played and listened to.)

[172] For example, Low riders used irony to poke fun at popular culture's perception of desirable vehicles, and bands like Los Illegals provided their listening communities with a useful vocabulary to talk about oppression and injustice.

Katherine Hagedorn's 2001 Book Divine Utterances: The Performance of Afro-Cuban Santería is an example of experiential ethnomusicology, which "...incorporates the author's voice, interpretations, and reactions into the ethnography, musical and cultural analysis, and historical context.

Different styles of this world music began making appearances on the Billboard charts, in Grammy Award nominations, and through participation of new immigrants looking to get involved as musicians and audience members.

This standardized system provides a common language that enables musicians, scholars, and enthusiasts from diverse backgrounds to communicate effectively about musical elements such as melody, harmony, rhythm, and structure.

[222] Brown's argument revolves around the contention that ethnomusicology, as historically conceived and practiced, has been inherently built upon colonialist and imperialist ideologies, which have had a profound influence on the discipline's methodologies, research agendas, and power dynamics.

The reason behind this comprehensive solution for change lies in the firm belief that minor tweaks or surface-level alterations would prove inadequate in addressing the deep-seated historical biases and entrenched systemic inequities that are inherent to ethnomusicology.

One idea posed is that the preference and privilege of the written word more than other forms of media scholarship hinders a great deal of potential contributors from finding a space in the disciplinary sphere.

[226] Activists and ethnomusicologists working with archives of recorded sound, like Aaron Fox, associate professor at Columbia University, have undertaken recovery and repatriation projects as an attempt at decolonizing the field.

[252] Scholars have characterized medical ethnomusicology as "a new field of integrative research and applied practice that explores holistically the roles of music and sound phenomena and related praxes in any cultural and clinical context of health and healing".

These advanced programs delve into a wide range of subjects, including in-depth research design, music transcription and analysis, the exploration of cultural interactions, and the utilization of specialized ethnomusicological tools.

In film, The Buena Vista Social Club (1999), directed by Wim Wenders, delves into traditional Cuban music and notably illustrates ethnomusicological elements in its portrayal of musicians and their cultural backbones.

"[260] Officially founded in 1955, its origins extend back to November, 1953 at the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association in Philadelphia with an informal agreement between Willard Rhodes, David McAllester, and Alan P.