Expectation states theory

1800s: Martineau · Tocqueville · Marx · Spencer · Le Bon · Ward · Pareto · Tönnies · Veblen · Simmel · Durkheim · Addams · Mead · Weber · Du Bois · Mannheim · Elias Expectation states theory is a social psychological theory first proposed by Joseph Berger and his colleagues that explains how expected competence forms the basis for status hierarchies in small groups.

[2] In other words, the theory attempts to explain how hierarchies are created in small group interactions (with a shared goal) based on status cues.

[2] "Interpersonal status hierarchies" refers to the emergence of differential levels of social esteem and influence that occurs when groups of people interact.

[3][4] While expectation states theory describes the development of status beliefs broadly, and can be applied to the study of any social groups, it is most commonly used to examine and explain inequality as it relates to gender.

"Interpersonal status hierarchies" refers to the emergence of differential levels of social esteem and influence that occurs when groups of people interact.

Third, expectation states theory makes no assumptions regarding gender differences in individual ability to lead or achieve high levels of success.

[4] Thus, expectation states theory grounds hierarchical inequality in the sex categories themselves rather than individual strength, competence, or lactation status.

[5] The key distinguishing feature of expectation states theory is that it is able not only to make predictions about the extent to which particular inequalities are due not only to gender but also to other status relevant differences.

However, the distinguishing feature here is that Expectation States Theory holds this prescriptive element to relate not only to gender but to any group distinction that may foster inequality.

A less egalitarian couple may fall into "traditional" husband and wife roles because their status beliefs may serve as a crutch for how to act in their new and unfamiliar situation.

Due to the notion that status beliefs are widely held, they have great power in determining the behavior of both men and women in mixed gender settings.

Depending on which status characteristics are salient at a given time, gender and such other identities will combine to influence the ultimate performance expectations held by the individual and observers.

In summary, an individual's behavioral and status differences are determined not only by his/her gender, but they are a function of the aggregate expectation of all identities relevant to a given task.

However, since expectation states theory typically focuses on work groups this may be less applicable (people may be unlikely to share their sexual orientation with their coworkers) than other attributes such as race.

In a study of 24 mixed sex dyads performing a non-gendered task, men showed higher levels of power through verbal and nonverbal communication.

Providing further evidence that status beliefs are central to these phenomena, several studies have shown that no differences appear when the task is performed in same sex groups.

However, a recent study by Brashears[17] utilized an innovative methodology to show that large scale cross national trends are consistent with the predictions of expectation states (or status construction) theory.

While the evidence was not causal, it does provide an indication that expectation states theory does have the potential to explain large scale gender inequality.

With regard to gender, the theory generally predicts that men will tend to have basic advantages in mixed group settings, even when performing a gender-neutral task.

In general, men will be expected to exercise the authority conferred by their perceived structural advantages that cross social contexts (e.g., higher pay), and will be more likely to be recognized and rewarded for doing so.

By understanding how these beliefs form and lead to certain groups becoming marginalized, expectation states theory provides an avenue for breaking this pattern.

Berger, J., Cohen, B.P., & Zeldich, M. Jr. (1972) This article introduces the idea of diffuse status characteristics playing a role in how small groups organize into hierarchy.

Brashears[17] Using an annually administered international survey, the research examined associations between goal objects and a surrogate indicator of status to see if they exhibited patterns consistent with predictions from expectation states theory.

In summary, the article provided initial evidence that macro-level associations between indicators of status and goal attainment are consistent with the predictions of expectation states theory.

Dovidio, Brown, Heltman, Ellyson, & Keating[11] The researchers performed a lab study which used 24 mixed sex dyads assigned to discuss masculine, feminine, and gender-neutral topics.

The authors examined differences between men and women in their display of verbal and nonverbal behaviors based on the gender-type of the task the dyad was performing.

Consistent with the predictions of expectation states theory, men exhibited higher levels of both verbal and nonverbal behaviors on the masculine and gender neutral tasks.

Given a history of varying effect sizes, the authors test the theory and examine whether experimental protocols (e.g., use of computers) affect the outcomes.

Ridgeway (2001) This article reviews expectations states theory as it applies to women's ability to influence others and achieve leadership positions (in domains that are not stereotypically feminine).

Ridgeway, Backor, Li, Tinkler, & Erickson[6] The researchers examined the effects of gender on the formation and propagation of status beliefs in a two-part experimental study.