Fascism in Uruguay
Since Benito Mussolini's rise to power, the fascist government strived to influence foreign politics, particularly among the Italian migrant population in the Americas.
The Italian fascist diplomacy sought to "wake up" a perceived lost national pride among the migrant community in order to propagate fascism in Latin America.
[1] In 1924, prince Umberto of Savoy visited the country and expressed his interests in fostering diplomatic ties between Uruguay and Italy, a proposal that was well seen by both locals and immigrants.
The legation frequently invited important cultural figures to give speeches at Montevideo and celebrated Italian holidays at local theatres.
[2] A document of the Council of Primary Education of the Gabriel Terra dictatorship even stated that fascism "promotes the sentiment of family, nationality and tradition, all of which are favourable to the cohesion and the continuation of the social organization that is characteristic of the Western civilization".
[7][9] In 1934 Agorio wrote his book "Roma y el espíritu de Occidente" (lit: "Rome and the spirit of the West") in defense of Italian fascism.
Supported by agrarianists who had been opposed to the previous Batllist reforms, the March was seen by its advocates as a "ruralist crusade" against a perceived morally corrupt city.
Amid increased tensions between the countryside and the urban areas, local newspapers had presented the March as a national regeneration revolution that would defeat the "corrupted city" and destroy its "moral misery".
[11] The constitution, inspired on corporatist principles, formally recognized the human rights to education, healthcare and work, as well as the freedom of assembly and association.
[1] The March regime also developed anti-immigration policies, such as controlling Jewish immigration and setting a minimum of 80% of Uruguayan manpower on public works.
[15] The later development of state industrialization projects moved ruralists to withdraw their support of the regime in favour of the 1942 coup d'état by president Alfredo Baldomir.
The government actively promoted cooperatives (the president had written an economic theory book named "Socialism and cooperativism") as Terra considered them an easy way to reduce the cost of living.
[11]It is not only through taxes that the evils of a never seen before crisis can be solved (...) It is necessary to take care of the industry by protecting it; it is necessary to worry about ensuring the means for a rapid development of agroindustry (...) Yesterday, deputy Jude denounced at the Chamber that a trust of food items had been formed.
In order to address the unproductivity of latifundios, the government passed a series of Laws of Forced Cultivation that compelled powerful landowners to use their properties efficiently.
[18] The main figure of the Marzist economic project was César Charlone, minister of economy, who had expressed pro-fascist views and called for an adaptation of Italian state corporatism in order to fit Uruguayan needs better.
[18] After years on an active deflationary policy by the previous administration, Charlone enacted a series of "Revaluation Laws" (Spanish: Leyes de Revalúo) by which the Uruguayan peso was intentionally inflated through monetary issue in order to solve the deflation crisis and promote exports.
[15] The large gold reserves held by the Uruguayan government helped to keep the currency stable, and most issued money was used in public works [18] Charlone's financial administration has been praised for his efficient managing of the crisis.
Despite the original attempts by Italian diplomatic staff to propagate fascism in Uruguay had not been as successful as expected, Mazzolini's good relationship with Terra allowed him to spread fascist propaganda both by radio and newspapers with better results.
Herrera gave a speech on Radio Roma, where he credited fascist communitarianism for its promotion of a "colossal display of moral and material energies, unremitting reconstructive activity and progress".
[16] A number of Nazi political movements were founded among German Uruguayan immigrants with the explicit approval of the Marzist government, taking advantage of the relative isolationism the community had kept since their arrival to the country.
[5] Despite its success among the German community, Nazi ideology did not prove effective in penetrating Uruguayan politics, as its ideas of racial purity were not fit for the Latin American context.
[5] Amid political debate about the creation of American military bases in Uruguayan territory, many nationalist politicians opposed the initiative as a matter of national sovereignty.
[4] The government did not undertake violent actions nor promoted political persecution, except for an order given by the president to surround Herrera's house with police forces as a condemnatory display.
[23] A group of powerful Marzist businessmen and politicians including vice president Alfredo Navarro and ex-president Juan Campisteguy sent a telegram of support to the Nationalist faction soon after the uprising.
In spite of this, the Civic Union (the most important clericalist party of the time) condemned the uprising, and archbishop Juan Francisco Aragone expressed his disapproval of the presence of uniformed falangists during masses in 1940.
[25] Uruguayan businessman Joaquín Martínez Arboleya, who became afterwards a renowned writer under the pen name of Santicaten, was one of the most important anti-communist propagandists of the pre-dictatorial era.
Having fought in the Spanish Civil War, Martínez claimed to have witnessed the execution of José Antonio Primo de Rivera while being arrested by republicans in Alicante.
[26] Described as "a fascist with an overwhelming personality", Martínez had been involved in Francoist propaganda campaigns and was a pioneer of the Uruguayan film industry, which made him a wealthy businessman.
[27][35] The same year, a singer was reported for shouting "Heil Hitler" during a show[36] and a 20 years-old man was imprisoned due to his public displays of national socialist adherence.
A controversial picture of Guido Manini Ríos with a young man wearing a hakenkreuz shirt led to a formal statement by the party rejecting neo-Nazi ideology and the latter expulsion of the activist.
