The text broke with the doctrine of street insurrection previously espoused by far-right groups like Jeune Nation in the 1950s, and is deemed influential on many nationalist movements that followed, especially Europe-Action and the GRECE.
Far-right movements had to generate a cultural revolution, by promoting nationalist ideas until they reach political dominance and popular support, "[wearing] on the outside reassuring labels acceptable to the system, in order not to arouse attention before [their] war machine is sufficiently strong".
[2] This manifesto marked a break with the street insurrection previously promoted by Jeune Nation, and set the ground for the future meta-political strategy of Europe-Action and the GRECE.
[8] Alain de Benoist joined the FEN in 1961 and the following year became the secretary of the student society's magazine, Cahiers universitaires, in which he wrote the main articles along with D'Orcival.
[5] Soon after having served his sentence at La Santé Prison in 1961-62, Dominique Venner undertook the takeover of the student society, which had been acting until then as the semi-avowed successor of the banned Jeune Nation.
[10] The organization had started to grow after the signature of the Évian accords in March 1962 and,[4] despite their pro-colonial stance, the FEN began to accept the new world order emerging from decolonization.
[2] Raymond Bourgine offered positions to a number of FEN adherents in his magazines Valeurs Actuelles and Le Spectacle du Monde, most notably to Alain de Benoist (from 1970 to 1982), and François d'Orcival (1966–present).
[15] FEN members intended to "fight Marxization in the universities", to keep "French Algeria territorially bound to the Mother Country" and to establish a "rigorously hierarchical [state] not on election but on selection", with the governing elites necessarily of "European ethnicity".