[7][8][9] Federal Minister of Defense Boris Pistorius (SPD) echoed these concerns, cautioning against a repeat of history by highlighting the dangers of weak public support for democracy during the late Weimar Republic.
[10] Regarding current political strategies, some members of the German parliament from the CDU have proposed "taking away the topics of the AfD" to diminish its influence effectively.
[11][12] However, recent research by political scientists indicates that accommodating and adopting typical far-right themes does not diminish support for radical right parties (RRP).
On the contrary, scholars have found that RRP can benefit when mainstream parties make far-right framings appear socially acceptable, thereby legitimizing controversial statements.
This phenomenon is thought to occur because mainstream politicians may face less opposition from left-wing individuals, highlighting their influential role in shaping democratic norms.
[25][citation needed] The increasing electoral success of the AfD,[26] particularly in regions like Thuringia, has raised concerns about the mainstreaming of xenophobic and anti-democratic rhetoric.
[27] Examples such as the re-election of Roland Schliewe, known for controversial remarks about North Africans, and support for candidates associated with symbols linked to Nazi and Ku Klux Klan ideologies, highlight these trends.
[28] The AfD's positions on immigration and environmental policies have sparked significant public discourse, shaping debates on Germany's political landscape.
[29][30] Political scientist Prof. Dr. Simon Franzmann noted that Germany must coexist with right-wing populist parties containing far-right elements for the foreseeable future.
[4] This reality underscores the importance of a robust firewall to safeguard democratic values and prevent the normalization of extremist ideologies, according to German political scientist Dr. Benjamin Höhne.
[31] One proposed measure involves strengthening the independence of the German Constitutional Court by requiring changes to its legal basis to be approved by a two-thirds supermajority, rather than a simple majority.
For instance, in February 2024, a protest sign reading "Democracy without firewall" was noticeably displayed during a demonstration in Lübben, where accusations of Nazi affiliations were refuted.
[42] MDR Investigativ surveyed all central German districts and independent cities to determine if AfD motions received majority support in their local parliaments across Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt, and Thuringia.
[42] On 14 September 2024, scholars from Berlin Social Sciences Center showed that between 2019 and 2024, 80% of motions brought in by AfD in local German parliaments in former East-Germany did not receive any support from the other parties.
On 27 January 2025, the New York Times reported that the center-right Christian Democrats may work with the AfD to pass stricter border control legislation.
[50][51] In May 2024, Daniel Günther (CDU), Minister President of Schleswig-Holstein, publicly argued against equating The Left (Die Linke) with the Alternative for Germany (AfD).
[59] On the other hand, his colleague Andreas Rödder argued that parliamentary votes involving the AfD are part of regular political procedures, cautioning against the potential long-term consequences for the democratic-right center if the CDU fails in its opposition role.
[67] In July 2024, Alexander Räuscher, CDU deputy in Saxony-Anhalt, demanded "an end of the so-called firewall" and instead advocated for the domestic intelligence service of Germany to monitor the Greens party.
"[77]In an interview with the newspaper FAZ, Federal Minister of Justice Marco Buschmann (FDP) emphasized his belief in maintaining a firewall towards a party like the AfD, stating that coordinated cooperation, including agreements or coalitions, is not possible.
[86] The Thuringian state branch of The Left maintains a staunch stance against any cooperation with far-right, fascist, or anti-democratic entities, categorically labeling any alignment with the AfD as collaboration and threatening party expulsion for involved members.
[42] A practical example of this stance was demonstrated by Bodo Ramelow, the Minister-President of Thuringia, who refused to shake hands with right-extremist AfD state chairman Björn Höcke, citing a warning against hate and agitation.