They must discuss, examine and resolve calmly and peaceably, what kind of Government is suitable for the country in the present circumstances; they must dictate rules to the different authorities, determine their duration and powers; they must establish the means of preserving internal and external security and of promoting the means of giving occupation to the numerous class of the people that will make them virtuous, multiply them and retain them in the quietude and tranquility on which that of the State so much depends: and finally, they must deal with the general happiness of a people, who place in their hands the fate of their posterity.

Deputies could be elected: The natural inhabitants of the Party, or those from outside it residing in the kingdom, who by their patriotic virtues, their talents, and accredited prudence, have merited the esteem and confidence of their fellow citizens, being over twenty-five years of age, of good opinion and reputation, even if they are secular ecclesiastics.

[9] Although at first there were no major objections to the text sent by the junta, the council complained because it considered that the representation of the capital, 6 deputies, did not match either the population or the importance of the city, so they proposed doubling their number.

[11] The bishopric issued a document on March 2 in favor of the elections,[12] but the majority of the clergy gave it scant compliance, since most had no interest in the course of the revolution, and only a minority cooperated with the council's wishes.

That day, under the corridors of the main patio of the Palace of the Governors, 6 tables were set up to receive the votes of the electors, who filled out 2 lists with 12 names each for proprietary and substitute deputies, under the direction of prominent persons and assisted by notaries public.

In his speech, Father Henríquez recalled the situation of Spain, the danger of the colonies of being subjugated or falling into anarchy if they did not take care of their defense and if institutions were not given that were a guarantee for all and that made despotism impossible, defending the right of the Chilean people to give themselves the constitution that best suits their welfare and progress, dividing his argument into 3 propositions: First proposition: The principles of the Catholic religion, relative to politics, authorize the National Congress of Chile to form itself a Constitution.

[25]After the sermon, the secretary José Gregorio Argomedo stood up and in front of the members of Congress, took the oath, with the following formula: Do you swear by God our Lord and on the Holy Gospels to defend the Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Religion?

When they arrived at the hall of the new Congress, they took their seats, and being Juan Martínez de Rozas accidental president of the junta, he pronounced the inaugural speech, in which he recalled the high duties imposed by the situation, the need to dictate laws founded not on theoretical principles that few understood, but on the practical knowledge of the conditions of the country, so that they would be an antemural against anarchy and a safeguard against despotism.

[22] He exhorted the deputies to work with justice and conscience in such a great task, concluding his speech: Magistrates, strive to be such that posterity will bless you; aspire to be cited by the nations as honored rather than wise; embrace with zeal the most thorny business, pursue it with assiduity and constancy, lead it to its end without leaving your tranquillity; do good and limit your views to the sweet satisfaction of having done well; immolate yourselves generously to your country and hide from it with skill the services you do it.

The plan consisted of expelling the most reactionary deputies from Congress as Saracens or enemies of the new institutions, so that, leaving the exalted group in a minority, the executive junta would have Rozas as its head.

The meetings to carry out the plan were held in the house of Diego Larrain, preparing for July 27 for its execution, which would have the support of the troops under the command of Juan José Carrera, but the attempt ended in a ridiculous disaster, causing only a moment of agitation in the assembly and deferring the appointment of the junta for a few days.

In the session of July 29, it was resolved that the junta would be composed of three members, of equal hierarchy, and that they would alternate for months to hold the presidency, but the determination of the minority prevented the development of an election.

[22] On July 25, the English warship Standard arrived in Valparaíso, armed with 64 cannons under the command of Captain Charles Elphinstone Fleming, coming from Cádiz, with eighty-four days of navigation, and on junta came José Miguel Carrera, Pedro Valdés, Ramón Errázuriz, and Mr. Caspe, Oidor provided for the Royal Court.

Captain Fleming did not have the slightest idea of the process that the Spanish-American countries were undergoing, and although he knew that the government was in the hands of a congress, he addressed his communications to the "president governor of the kingdom of Chile.

Bernardo O'Higgins, recognized for his phlegmatic moderation in spite of being of the most pro-independence group, ardently proclaimed: "although we are in a minority, we will know how to make up for our numerical inferiority with our energy and our courage, and we will not fail to have enough arms to effectively oppose the exit of this money, so necessary for our country threatened with invasion".

[22] On August 6, Congress delivered its definitive reply: The lack of foresight with which the leaders of the former Government lavished the Royal Treasury on luxurious buildings and other objects of minor importance, brought it into our hands weakened in such a way that it has been necessary to use the meager funds available to pay for a foot army, not only indispensable to defend the kingdom from the armed force of the usurper, but also, and very principally, from his machinations and intrigues aimed at revolutionizing these dominions, whose security is entrusted to us to maintain our unfortunate Sovereign; consequently, and in spite of the best wishes, we have not at this day any wealth to send.

On August 9, seeing themselves inevitably defeated, the twelve deputies of the radical minority rose from their seats and protesting against the conduct of the majority and declaring the resolution to give an account to their towns of what was happening there, they withdrew from the Congress hall.

On the morning of August 10, what was left of the Congress met in an extraordinary meeting, appointing the members of the junta, positions that fell to Martín Calvo Encalada, Juan José Aldunate and Francisco Javier del Solar.

On August 12, Carrera returned to Santiago, and it did not take him long to get in contact with the supporters of the radical party who were in the capital, and after some meetings in the house of Miguel Astorga, in which he was told that the majority of the Congress was formed by inept and enemies of the revolutionary cause, Carrera joined the cause, not without first trying to influence the mood of the president of the congress Manuel Pérez de Cotapos so that he would give another course to the government,[40] and to make sure that he and his brothers would be in charge of directing the execution of the coup d'état that would take place on September 4.

[42] After dismounting, José Miguel Carrera read a document in which he presented the demands of his group as petitions of the people, warning that, as commissioner, he asked for and expected a speedy resolution.

[48] On October 25, the executive board proposed a project for vigilance, public safety and police, creating an official immediately dependent on the government, appointed by Congress every two years.

The junta was asked to be informed of all the positions that remained vacant, to determine if they should be abolished or not, and if not, to see what their income would be, warning that no salary should exceed two thousand pesos a year (with the exception of high-ranking military officers and governors of important places).

[68] In view of the failure of this route, due to the difficulties beyond the Andes, on October 8 it was decided to entrust the junta with the purchase of arms from private individuals who wanted to sell them, and at the same time to register those remaining in the hands of their owners.

Finally, it was agreed to commission the substitute deputy Francisco Ramón Vicuña to organize an arms factory in Chile, although the lack of specialists and materials prevented the unrealization of this project.

[70] In order to reinforce the ties between governments and to keep abreast of the latest news from the peninsula, the Congress designated Francisco Antonio Pinto as Plenipotentiary to the Board of Buenos Aires on the 9th.

[71] With Peru, on October 9, a secret agent was appointed in that country, which represented the greatest threat to the Chilean government due to the attitude that Viceroy Abascal seemed to be adopting.

[74] The alderman Nicolás Matorras and the city attorney were commissioned to carry out a public act among the students of the primary schools supported by the council, charging them to give an account of the results they could observe.

The coup took place on November 15 under the command of Juan José, who after dominating the capital militarily, sent messages to the Congress and the junta, demanding their presence in an assembly to listen to the voice of the people.

The president of the Congress, believing that the movement did not have great transcendence, prepared to reunite the deputies, not acting in the same way as the junta, who tried to dissuade Juan José of his attitude, not achieving his purpose.

Juan José Carrera's rejection of the junta's parliaments provoked fear in Congress of a possible restoration of the old government, and although he tried to resist the demand for a popular assembly, he had to give in and publish a proclamation summoning the neighborhood to hold one.