Other themes include the abolition of prostitution, the condemnation of pornography, the support of legal abortion, the amplifying of women's voices, ensuring mothers and fathers both have access to parental leave, opposition to surrogacy (Spanish: vientres de alquiler), and wage and economic parity.

2018 would be the year that fourth-wave feminism began its peak in Spain as a result of a number of different factors, with women mobilized on a large scale to take to the streets.

According to Italian academics like Rosi Braidotti, Gianna Pomata and Paola di Cor, this model can be problematic in the context of Mediterranean feminism as it ignores specific cultural baggage for women from the region.

[1][2] These models are also particularly problematic in a Spanish context as they fail to address the very nature of Francoism that sought to purge all female identity from society through forced assimilation legitimized by fear and violence.

This included greater contact with foreign ideas as a result of emigration and tourism, increased educational and employment opportunities for women and major economic reforms.

Fourth-wave feminists reclaim their bodies by insisting they will not tolerate art or entertainment that suggests women in high culture play secondary roles.

[4] Spanish third-wave feminism was the result of high-profile quarrels among leftist women and increasingly involvement of male dominated political organizations.

[17] According to A. Valcárcel, "Without a recognizable feminist past, having suffered like the whole country the ablation of memory, we supplied ourselves with varied sources but it helped us a lot not to miss the very magnitude of the objectives we were facing.

38% of these acts were committed by a husband, boyfriend or partner, 17.7% by a co-worker, 16.5% by a friend or acquaintances, 15.2% by an unknown man and 10.2% by a father, stepfather or other immediate male family member.

This is because parents having equal rights makes it easier to end cultural barriers that suggest women should remain in the home and take care of the children.

[38] Political leanings of the media impact their preferred usage, with ABC using Vientre de alquiler much more frequently and El Mundo instead using Gestación subrogada.

[35]  Their goal is to encourage the Spanish government to continue to ban womb renting, bring awareness around issues of violence promoted against women, girls and boys.

[29] Andrea Dworkin has been a major influence on fourth-wave Spanish feminists, especially during the period of the late 1990s and early 2000s when many people had assumed feminism as a political movement in Spain was dead.

Castilla-La Mancha President José Bono stepped into the discussion by suggesting the regional government should publish a list of all men convicted of killing their girlfriends and wives in order to further protect women.

[55] Organic Law 1/2004 of Comprehensive Protection Measures against Gender Violence became the center of focus for many Spanish feminists in this early period, marking another important moment in this wave.

[23] 2018 would be the year that fourth-wave feminism began its peak in Spain, Argentina and Brazil as a result of a number of different factors, with women mobilized on a large scale to take to the streets.

[25][57] Mobilization by this wave would have the unintended impact of putting feminism at the front and center of the 2019 Spanish general elections, with feminists clashing with the male anti-feminism espoused by Vox.

A week later, the police arrest her ex-boyfriend, 19-year-old Miguel Carcaño, who had confessed to murdering del Castillo during a fight by hitting her with an ashtray and then, with the help of a friend, dumping her body in the Guadalquivir River.

Three days later, the father of del Castillo went to Madrid to meet with Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, asking him to pass legislation that would result gender violence related murders having a life sentence.

Also in early March, the Senate, as a result of the new Minister of Justice Francisco Caamaño's decision, ruled out any changes to Spain's criminal code to make life in prison a potential sentence for murder.

[60] Women took to the streets to protest the announcement by Partido Popular's Minister of Justice Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón of his intention to change Spain's abortion laws.

[65]  The proposed changes would have allowed abortion only in cases involving pregnancy as a result of rape or when the physical or mental health of the mother was in danger.

[3] This included convoys from Asturias, Andalusia, the Canary Islands, Catalonia, the Valencian Community, Castilla-La Mancha, Extremadura, Galicia, Murcia, the Basque Country and France.

Three years of debate aimed at appeasing conservatives within its ranks led to no actual changes in the law, while serving to energize both Spain's center and left aligned political parties.

Dressed in purple, women protested in Barcelona, Seville, Santiago, Zaragoza, Madrid, Bilbao, Mérida, Badajoz, Cáceres, Logroño, Las Palmas, Tenerife and Mallorca.

"[73] Valeria Quer would later join other protests, including in La Manada case, in support of judicial justice for victims of machismo and sexist violence.

[24] It represented one of the highest crests of the wave, and took place in an international context alongside discussions like #metoo, #TimesUp and women's stories about Harvey Weinstein.

[23] The La Manada case refers to an act where a group of men were accused of sexually abusing and raping a young woman from Madrid during San Fermin in Pamplona.

They tended to follow a similar route of starting in Puerta del Sol, collecting people and then heading down Gran Vía towards the Ministry of Justice building on Calle San Bernardo.

[...] We celebrate the turn that in recent years has achieved the politicization of many women in the first person through networks and feminism, this is a revolution, a fifth feminist wave that has its first impulse in these hashtags and in Spain.