Franjo Tuđman

In a final verdict of war crimes trial of former high-ranking officials of Herceg-Bosnia, the ICTY stated that Tuđman shared in their joint criminal enterprise goal of establishing an entity to reunite the Croatian people which was to be implemented through the ethnic cleansing of Bosnian Muslims.

Franjo Tuđman was born on 14 May 1922 in Veliko Trgovišće, a village in the northern Croatian region of Hrvatsko Zagorje, at the time part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

[35] Tuđman's increasing insistence on a Croatian interpretation of history[clarification needed] turned many professors from University of Zagreb like Mirjana Gross and Ljubo Boban against him.

According to Tuđman's own testimony,[citation needed] the Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito personally intervened to recommend the court to be lenient in his case, sparing him a longer prison sentence.

[citation needed] Internal tensions that had broken up the League of Communists of Yugoslavia prompted the governments of the federal republics to schedule free multiparty elections in spring 1990.

[57] During a HDZ campaign rally in Benkovac, an ethnically mixed town, a 62-year-old Serbian man, Boško Čubrilović, pulled out a gas pistol near the podium.

We know that the Croatian people also fought during the war on the other side under partisan, Tito's flags because he promised to create a free Federal State of Croatia that would be equal to all other nations.

On 25 March 1991, Tuđman and Slobodan Milošević met at Karađorđevo,[70] a meeting which became controversial due to claims that the two presidents discussed the partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Serbia and Croatia.

Tuđman's first plan was to win support from the European Community, avoiding the direct confrontation with the JNA that had been proposed by Martin Špegelj, the Minister of Defence, since the beginning of the conflict.

[94][95] At a meeting in December 1991 with the HDZ BiH leadership Tuđman discussed the possibility of joining Herzeg-Bosnia to Croatia as he thought that Bosnian representatives were working to remain in Yugoslavia.

Since the new Clinton administration came to power it had lobbied consistently for a hard line against Milošević, a political position often largely attributed to the policies of then-Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.

[109] President Tuđman estimated the cost of direct material damage at over $20 billion and that Croatia was spending $3 million daily on care for hundreds of thousands of refugees.

As economic activity picked up steadily and negotiations with the leaders of RSK got nowhere, the Defence Minister, Gojko Šušak, started amassing weapons in preparation for a military solution.

The decision to head straight for Knin, the centre of RSK, paid off and by 10 am on 5 August, on the second day of the operation, Croatian forces entered the city with minimal casualties.

On 12 November the Erdut Agreement was signed with local Serb authorities regarding the return of Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Syrmia to Croatia, with a two-year transitional period.

The beginning of the year was marked by a large syndical protest in Zagreb, due to which the government adopted legislation regulating public gatherings and demonstrations in April.

[133] After the war, Tuđman controversially suggested that the remains of those killed during the Yugoslav death march of Nazi collaborators be brought and laid to rest at Jasenovac, an idea he later abandoned.

This idea included burying Ustaša troops, anti-fascist Partisans and all civilians together and was inspired by General Francisco Franco's Valle de los Caídos.

At the end of Tuđman's rule, roughly 70% of Croatia's major companies were still state-owned, including water, electricity, oil, transportation, telecommunications, and tourism.

[145] After several years of successful macroeconomic stabilization policies, low inflation and a stable currency, economists warned that the lack of fiscal changes and the expanding role of the state in economy caused the decline in the late 1990s and were preventing a sustainable economic growth.

[153] Živko Kustić, a Croatian Eastern Catholic priest and journalist for Jutarnji list, wrote that Tuđman's perception of the church's role in Croatia was contradictory to the goals of Pope John Paul II.

While being hospitalized opposition parties accused the ruling HDZ of hiding the fact that Tuđman was already dead and that the authorities were keeping his death secret in order to win more seats in the upcoming January 2000 general election.

[163] Graham Blewitt, a senior Tribunal prosecutor, told the AFP wire service that "There would have been sufficient evidence to indict president Tuđman had he still been alive".

[164] In 2000, British Channel 4 television broadcast a report about the tape recordings of Franjo Tuđman in which he allegedly spoke about the partition of Bosnia and Herzegovina with the Serbs after the Dayton Agreement.

Mesić, who succeeded Tuđman as president of Croatia, and his office denied giving any transcripts to British journalists and called the report a "sensationalistic story that has nothing to do with the truth".

[166] In November 2012, an ICTY appeal court overturned the convictions of Mladen Markač and Ante Gotovina, acquitted the two former generals and concluded that there was no planned deportation of the Serbian minority and no joint criminal enterprise by the Croatian leadership.

[167] In May 2013, the ICTY, in a first-instance verdict in the trial of Prlić et al., found that Tuđman, Bobetko and Šušak took part in the joint criminal enterprise against the non-Croat population of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

[180] The book questioned the different claimed numbers of victims killed during World War II in Yugoslavia, particularly regarding the Jasenovac concentration camp, something Tuđman had previously done in an earlier work published in 1982.

These are recorded in his book, Sam kroz Europu u ratu (1939–1945), paint an unfavorable picture of his Jewish inmates' behavior, emphasizing their alleged clannishness and ethnocentrism.

[198] In June 2015 Siniša Hajdaš Dončić, Minister of Maritime Affairs Transport and Infrastructure, said that the reconstructed and upgraded Zagreb International Airport will be named after Tuđman.

Tuđman's childhood home in Veliko Trgovišće
Tuđman as a member of the Yugoslav Partisans
Tuđman (left), with Joža Horvat (right), in Partisan uniform, February 1945
Tuđman giving a speech at the Institute for the Workers' Movement in Zagreb
Tuđman in June 1971
First President of Croatia Franjo Tuđman with presidential sash
Exhibition commemorating the Bombing of the Banski Dvori in Zagreb on 7 October 1991, the Residence of the President of Croatia, by the Yugoslav Air Force
Tuđman and Alija Izetbegović signing the Washington Agreement in 1994
Tuđman visiting Knin Fortress on 6 August 1995, a day after the Croatian Army entered Knin
The Dayton Peace Accords on 21 November 1995
President Tuđman's "Vukovar speech" after the arrival of the "Peace Train" in Vukovar , on 8 June 1997: " A victor that doesn’t know how to forgive is sowing the seeds of new evil. The Croatian people don’t want that, nor have they ever wanted it. " , on the picture:Tuđman's bust in Vukovar.
Tuđman and journalist Ana Havel in 1997
Municipal results of the 1997 presidential election . Tuđman won the municipalities in blue.
Horrors of War: Historical Reality and Philosophy ( Croatian : Bespuća povijesne zbiljnosti ; literal translation Wastelands of historical reality )
Tudjman's historic words are engraved on his last resting place:" Always and everything for Croatia, and our only and eternal Croatia for nothing! "
Tuđman's grave at the Mirogoj cemetery
Statue of Tuđman in Split
Standard of the Croatian President
Standard of the Croatian President