To avoid the Nazi reprisal of Sippenhaft (kin liability), Meissner's parents divorced and the family moved back to Liberec.

During their time there they witnessed the bloody independence struggle and the onset of the Congo Crisis – experiences that would form the foundation of Meissner's commitment to causes in the developing world.

During her tenure there one of her jobs was to translate corporate documents relating to offers and proposals for the construction of nuclear power plants.

After this exposure she became increasingly interested in the subject, and formed strong opinions on the environmental and social dangers of nuclear power.

Also highlighted was the proximity of the plant to Vienna (just 40 kilometers), which Meissner-Blau and the IOeAG used to great effect in showing social consequences of a nuclear catastrophe.

Kreisky, increasingly concerned at the campaign's effectiveness, subsequently attempted to link the poll to a vote of confidence in the Socialist government.

[7] The loss of the referendum was a severe embarrassment to the SPÖ government, which was compelled in the aftermath to pass laws against any future nuclear development in Austria.

[8] In 1983 the Austrian government under the SPÖ chancellor Fred Sinowatz had given approval to a series of plans from Österreichische Donaukraftwerke AG to construct a hydroelectric power plant near Hainburg.

Deemed as a project of particular and special interest to the public, the government bypassed and shortened normal regulatory processes to secure quick approval.

However, the plant was to be located in the middle of what is now the Donau-Auen Nationalpark (Danube Meadows National Park) – a large and environmentally sensitive flood plain that is one of the last of its size in Europe.

A Volksbegehren (citizen's petition) was launched and a media campaign began to attempt to inform the public of the environmental risks posed by the project.

As a leading figure in the campaign, Meissner-Blau took part in the organization of mass protests during the latter half of 1984, culminating in almost over 8000 staging a sit-in at the worksite on December 8, 1984.

By March 1985, a citizen's petition with 353,906 signatures against the plant was submitted to the parliament by Austrian Nobel laureate Konrad Lorenz.

Yet the attempt worsened ructions, with the VGÖ declining to amalgamate due to the ideological and inter-personal differences, and the ALÖ dividing into two opposing factions.

[10] In October 1985, the moderate section of the former ALÖ met in Salzburg and formed the Citizen's Parliamentary Initiative (BIP) as an attempt to bring together a more professionalised and less ideologically divided Green political organisation.

As a well spoken, widely respected and nationally known figure in the environmental movement, Meissner-Blau was nominated by the BIP to run as the first green candidate for the Austrian Presidency at a meeting in Graz on January 6, 1986.

The pressure for the green movement to present a united front for the election increased, with Günther Nenning attempting to bring together the BIP, VGÖ and GRAS parties onto a single candidates list.

Meissner-Blau proved to be a popular and unifying figure in the movement, however she and Nenning were ultimately unsuccessful at uniting all the dissident factions.

[13] Yet in spite of this the majority of the green movement continued to rally behind Meissner-Blau's leadership, and a strong campaign was made which presented for the first time a professional and viable political alternative to the Austrian public.

The Greens polled 4.8% (234,028 votes), taking them over the crucial 4% threshold, and 8 candidates (including Meissner-Blau) were elected to the Austrian National Council.

After two years as leader and securing effective consolidation of the movement, she retired from the party, leaving her parliamentary seat on December 6, 1988.

An assembly of Austrian human rights activists condemned the Republic of Austria in all seven cases that were brought forward by the LGBT-community.