The party had a radical program which included promoting gender parity and abolishing marriage, inheritance, military service and secret police.

His manifesto of the Futurist Political Party denounced "parasitical clericalism" and "ceremonial patriotism" and promoted revolutionary nationalism and syndicalism.

However, Marinetti drew contrasts between the "nation" in Italy and the "workers and peasants" in Russia; he also argued that the Bolsheviks were mistaken in their "uncreative collectivism and the negation of the individual".

[7] Francesca Billiani listed the party's manifesto as containing the following points: "socio-political propositions about universal suffrage (including women’s suffrage), the patriotic education of the proletariat, land reclamation for war veterans, progressive taxation, abolition of the obligatory army in favour of a voluntary one, the freedom to strike and of the press and an eighteen-hour working day.

"[4] Marinetti initially praised Mussolini and his fascist movement as "a political concept that is absolutely Futurist, that is: anti-traditional, practical, heroic, revolutionary”.

According to Günter Berghaus, Mussolini only considered the Futurists allies of convenience, which he wanted to use to attract left-wing nationalists to the fascist movement.

However, after the March on Rome, Marinetti decided to return to the fascist movement in a bid to ensure the survival of his Futurist political thought.

Futurist nationalism was anti-authoritarian, anti-clerical, and never ruled out the idea of joining forces with the revolutionary Left, anarchists, and syndicalists in order to combat the bourgeois liberal society and the bureaucratic and centralist state, which was seen as a common enemy.

There were expectations that Marinetti would run in the 1913 general election, as evidenced by the printing of 100,000 copies of the third Futurist political manifesto, but he ultimately rejected the idea of candidacy.

[16][17] The Roma Furturista was founded in the same year by Mario Carli, Marinetti, and Emilio Settimelli in order to spread the ideas of the new party.

The party was the first of its kind, and the requirements to join it was to be an interventionist, glorify war, and be opposed to neutralist, the liberal state, the monarchy, and the church.

Both movement believed that Italy had been discriminated against in being excluded from owning colonies, and initially Fascism shared the Futurist hostility towards Austria and everything "German".

In its aftermath, Fascism underwent a transformation, veering towards the right in the pursuit of better prospects, abandoning its previous libertarian, anti-conservative, and anti-clerical direction.

The party had struggled to establish itself as a cohesive political force and faced rapid disintegration due to the lack of uniformity among its artists, arditi, and intellectuals.

On 29 May 1920, Marinetti and other Futurists handed down their resignations from the Fascist party, complaining that Fascism had distanced itself from the masses and abandoned proletarian and revolutionary demands.

[21] The main point of conflict between Fascism and Futurism was Mussolini’s support of the collaboration between the proletariat and the ‘productive bourgeoisie’, which Marinetti and other Futurists strongly rejected.

They carried on the fight for the "Italian revolution" by utilizing Carli's journal, La testa di ferro, which adopted an openly anti-Fascist stance.

[20] Following the March on Rome, several intransigent Futurist leaders, including Marinetti, returned to the fold of Mussolini's Fascist Party in the hopes that they could at least influence the regime's cultural policy.

In return for their support, Mussolini financed a number of Futurist exhibits and integrated the movement into the propagandistic apparatus of the Fascism state.