After he died Sebastiano Tecchio, the president of the senate in which he had served, delivered an affectionate oration in which he spoke of Pallavicino Trivulzio's childhood in a privileged single parent family.

Contemporary literature reflected Italy's condition of disunity and subservience to the Napoleonic empire: she took care to see that his reading concentrated of the classical authors and orators of ancient Greece and Rome.

According to one version of the interview, he subsequently confessed to interrogators that he had secured the assurance of Charles Albert that the Lombard cause was "sacred" to the government of Piedmont, although Pallavicino Trivulzio own recollection of the meeting seem later to have changed.

According to one source, it was on 13 December 1821 that, under interrogation, he made admissions which badly compromised himself and other patriots, including Federico Confalonieri: these he subsequently tried to deny the next day, pleading "madness" ("pazzo").

[7] According to a surviving document dated 29 August 1832, he was by that time suffering from various serious gastric symptoms including "diarrhoea alternating with constipation" which subsequent commentators have diagnosed as consistent with acute chronic colitis.

[3] He returned to the political stage following the "Five Days of Milan", a brief but intense uprising on the city streets during March 1848 which led to the (temporary) expulsion of the Austrian garrison under Field Marshal Radetzky.

Evidence of Pallavicino Trivulzio's attitude to these developments survives in the form of a painting by Giuseppe Molteni of his eight-year-old daughter dressed in the uniform that liberation fighters had adopted for the insurgency.

During the months when it seemed possible that Austria might capitulate or withdraw and that Italian unification might prove achievable in 1848, Pallavicino Trivulzio emerged as a "sincere and unqualified" advocate of a merger between Piedmont, Lombardy and Veneto even though integration into the Kingdom of Sardinia would confound his long-standing republican convictions.

[1][17] After 1848, as the Austrians sought to strengthen political and social control in the Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia, Pallavicino Trivulzio remained in Turin, resolved to use his still substantial fortune and his expanding network of contacts with French politicians and Italian exiles in Paris to progress the cause of unification.

[1][3] On 29 March 1849, not long after establishing his new home in Turin, he secured election to the lower house of the bicameral Sardinia-Piedmont parliament, representing at this stage a Genoa electoral district (Genova III).

With this in mind, he set up a meeting with Vincenzo Gioberti whose 1850 publication "Il Rinnovamento civile d’Italia" resonated closely with his own views in respect of the perceived timidity of the Piedmontese monarchy when it came to addressing what the two men saw as its risorgimento leadership role.

Pallavicino Trivulzio did his best to persuade Manin to place himself at the head of a movement for "pragmatic republicans" willing to compromise with monarchists in order to progress the higher goal of national independence.

Once he had succeeded in persuading Manin to accept the proposal for a public launch of a "national party", Pallavicino Trivulzio firmly identified himself as "second in command", recognising the superior political capabilities of the exiled Venetian.

He found himself repeatedly pressing Manin to intervene in political debates, especially when it came to speaking out to thwart those seeking to have Lucien Murat, "the fat pretender" installed as "King of Naples".

[1][21] Pallavicino Trivulzio and Manin continued to share an acute appreciation of the need to focus constantly on listening to and influencing public opinion across Italy and internationally when it came to their risorgimento goals.

Meanwhile, La Farina's involvement as its secretary enabled the "Società nazionale" to retain an underlying air of moderation which may very well have been what Cavour had been hoping to achieve when he had introduced the two men in the first place.

[1][24] When it came to networking, Pallavicino Trivulzio's most important achievement was his success in making an ally of Garibaldi, who became a member of the "Società nazionale", thereby greatly broadening its popular appeal.

[25][26] During 1858/59 the "Società nazionale italiana" gained traction across the states and territories of Italy, helped by a more focused organisational structure implemented by La Farina, supportive endorsement from Garibaldi, a more collaborative approach from Cavour (and the government in Piedmont), and a period of internal crisis within the Mazzinian Action Party.

Nevertheless, after three months of brutish fighting the Armistice of Vilafranca was concluded towards the end of July 1859 and La Farina brought the "Società" back to life in defiance of the views of its former president.

[1][24][27] Pallavicino Trivulzio's relationship with Cavour had never become an entirely easy one, and he saw his nomination to the Senate of the Kingdom of Italy on 29 February 1860 as a shamelessly "piemontesissimo" move to distance him from the political mainstream.

(These concessions were necessary to fulfil the terms of a highly secret - at the time - agreement concluded in 1858 under which Cavour had secured a guarantee of military support from the French emperor in what became known as the Second Italian War of Independence.

Much of the unfinished business involved Giuseppe Garibaldi who, despite being a staunch ally in respect of the twin goals of liberation and unification, had his own strategy and indeed his own preconceptions on what sort of a united Italy would and should result from the military phase of the campaign.

The appointment of his friend Giorgio Pallavicino to this position does indeed appear to have been implemented by Garibaldi in order to strengthen his standing with King Victor Emmanuel of Piedmont, with whom it would be necessary to collaborate if unification was to move ahead.

Cavour's relatively cautious objectives and expectations back at the beginning of 1859 had probably been limited to the removal of Austrian hegemony from northern and central Italy, and the creation in their place of two kingdoms ruled respectively from Turin and Florence, while a small territory surrounding Rome, roughly equivalent in size to Corsica, should remain under papal control.

An even more pressing decision was needed over how agreement should be demonstrably secured for the annexation to the rest of Italy of Naples and Sicily, over which Garibaldi had never expressed any wish to retain permanent control.

Crispi proposed the establishment and convening of a parliament-style assembly in Naples and/or Palermo to determine conditions under which the "southern provinces" might be annexed to the new Italian state on the other side of Rome.

Pallavicino Trivulzio reacted to the unrest on the streets by calling on everyone the cooperate with the "Garibaldian" Action Party, while blaming the rising tide of "public order difficulties" on plotting "Murattiani", separatists and Borbinici revanchists.

Pallavicino Trivulzio, in his senate speech, complained that the "convention of 15 September" amounted to a surrender to the wishes of France's Emperor Napoleon, and signalled a policy of renouncing Italian ambitions.

In 1867, in a public argument with Prime Minister Ricasoli, Subsequently he repeated his critique - which Garibaldi himself could surely not have expressed any more firmly - notably during the aftermath of the Battle of Custoza, which the Italian army had lost (though the country suffered no lasting disadvantage, thanks to the Prussian victory at Königgrätz a couple of weeks later).

[1][31] Although senators were appointed for life, after the end of 1864 Pallavicino Trivulzio ceased to be an active parliamentarian, while remaining among the supporters of the incorporation of the Papal States surrounding and including Rome into the Italian kingdom.