Politics of the Comoros
[2] Sultanates in the late nineteenth century used a cyclic age system and hierarchical lineage membership to provide the foundation for participation in the political process.
[3] Though sultanates granted rights to their free inhabitants, were provided with warriors during war and taxed the towns under their authority, their definition as a state is open to debate.
[3] French policy was hampered by an absence of settlers, effective communication across islands, rough geographical terrain and hostility towards the colonial government.
Though the Ouatou Akouba was disbanded, it resulted in the consolidation and formalization of the age system as access to power in the customary and local government spheres.
The threat of renewed socioeconomic marginalization following the transfer of the capital to Ngazidja in 1962, more than social or cultural differences, underlay the island's subsequent rejection of independence.
[3] France withdrew all economic and technical support for the now independent state, which would encourage a revolutionary regime under future president Ali Soilih.
[3] French military and financial aid to mercenaries brought Prince Said Mohammed Jaffar to power after the United National Front of the Comoros (FNU) party toppled Abdallah's government.
[5] The Jaffar regime's inefficient distribution of resources and poor mismanagement was shown through the expulsion of French civil servants as well as endemic unemployment and food shortages.
[6] Soilih's attacks on religious and customary authority contributed to his eventual ousting through a French-backed coup consisting of mercenaries and ex-politicians who together formed the Politico Military Doctorate.
The Democratic Front's (DF) internal opposition to Abdallah was suppressed through the incarceration of over 600 people allegedly involved in a failed coup attempt.
The Comoros were led by Muhammed Taki Abd al-Karim beginning in 1996 and he was followed by interim president Said Massunde who eventually gave way to Assoumani Azali.
Under Mohammed Taki and Assoumani Azali, access to the state was used to support client networks which led to crumbling infrastructure that cultivated in the islands of Nzwani and Mwali declaring independence only to be stopped by French troops.
[12] In a separate nod to pressure to restore civilian rule, the government organized several committees to compose a new constitution, including the August 2000 National Congress and November 2000 Tripartite Commission.
The opposition parties initially refused to participate in the Tripartite Commission, but on 17 February, representatives of the government, the Anjouan separatists, the political opposition, and civil society organizations signed a "Framework Accord for Reconciliation in Comoros," brokered by the Organization for African Unity The accord called for the creation of a new Tripartite Commission for National Reconciliation to develop a "New Comorian Entity" with a new constitution.
On 15 May 2006, Ahmed Abdallah Sambi, a cleric and successful businessman educated in Iran, Saudi Arabia and Sudan, was declared the winner of elections for President of the Republic.
He beat out retired French air force officer Mohamed Djaanfari and long-time politician Ibrahim Halidi, whose candidacy was backed by Azali Assoumani, the outgoing president.
[14] The constitution gives Grande Comore, Anjouan and Mohéli the right to govern most of their own affairs with their own presidents, except the activities assigned to the Union of the Comoros like foreign Policy, defense, nationality, banking and others.
The Comoros are member of the ACCT, ACP, AfDB, AMF, African Union, FAO, G-77, IBRD, ICAO, ICCt (signatory), ICRM, IDA, IDB, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, InOC, Interpol, IOC, ITU, LAS, NAM, OIC, OPCW (signatory), United Nations, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, UPU, WCO, WHO, WMO.
