The dictator used the navy coup attempt as a pretext to strengthen his position by removing the king, whom he considered his last major, non-junta related, antagonist for power.
Indeed, the presidential authority in those domains extended far beyond simple determination of policy guidelines: The President could appoint and dismiss the ministers of public order, foreign affairs and national defence independently of the prime minister[5] and unilaterally determined the state budget in those matters (only amendable by a two-thirds parliamentary supermajority),[5] while Parliament's ability to regulate these matters in legislation was severely curtailed in favor of regulation by presidential decree.
[citation needed] While Parliament was expanded from 150 members to 200, only 180 MPs were elected; the remaining 20 were appointed by the President, giving practical effect to the presidential legislative power.
Even so, this hypothetical civilian control would have created an internal contradiction, since the provisions of the 1968 Constitution tasking the military with the "maintenance of the social and political order" were left unatlered.
[9] Consequently, the system was amended to what could be described as a "quasi-parliamentary" republic, as it resembled the ministerial council-centered separation of powers under the 1952 constitution, but for the presence of a Sovereign and an active Parliament.
[10] General Gizikis remained as President pro tempore until the referendum 1974, having the same limited duties: countersignature of laws, presidential decrees and constituent acts.