[1][2] Hare Krishna Konar was born to a Bengali Ugra Kshatriya family on August 5, 1915, in Kamargoria, a village across the Damodar River in the Bardhaman district of the Bengal Presidency, British India.

Finally, in March 1931, the key figures of the Indian armed resistance revolution, Bhagat Singh and Chandra Shekhar Azad, were hanged and shot to death.

Konar soon became involved in various kinds of revolutionary activities, including bomb making, robbery, and party fund management, and gradually rose to the position of leader of that organization.

In the special tribunal case, the police charged Hare Krishna Konar with robbery and murder under Sections 694 and 398 of the Indian Public Penal Code, respectively.

As a result of the government's decision to give him the highest punishment of Kālā Pānī, at the age of 18, Konar was sent to the Cellular Jail of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in April 1933 by the Maharaja ship of the British Empire.

There were no toilets, lights, or reading materials, and prisoners were not allowed to meet with others; the guards carried out physical torture and flogging; their behavior was insulting; things had become unbearable.

[7][8] During the hunger strike, Konar met with Dr. Narayan Roy, Niranjan Sengupta, Satish Pakrashi, Ganesh Ghosh, Sudhangshu Dasgupta, Shiv Verma, Bejoy Kumar Sinha, and many more.

Dhanwantri, Bejoy Kumar Sinha, Batukeshwar Dutt, Niranjan Sengupta, and Narayan Roy were appointed to the editorial board of a newspaper named "The Call", which was published from the jail.

The number of members in communist consolidation swelled to 200, and all of them contributed articles on different subjects dealing with Communism, Marxism, Socialism, the biographies of Vladimir Lenin, Karl Marx, etc.

On July 9, 1937, Shiv Verma and Hare Krishna Konar petitioned Viceroy and Governor-General, The Marquess of Linlithgow, stating: All political prisoners should be repatriated to the mainland and released.

After four weeks, telegrams from leaders of the nation, Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhas Chandra Bose, Mahatma Gandhi, etc., poured in imploring the freedom fighters to end their hunger strike.

Even poet Rabindranath Tagore sent a letter to The Viceroy on 3 August 1937 stating that: I, as a poet, appeal to you to transfer the political prisoners of cellular jail to the mainland as the hunger strike begins, and we cannot allow this flower of the nation to wither away, so please don't use cellular jail as a concentrating camp of revolutionaries, and you have to release the political prisoners from jail.Letter to Hare Krishna Konar on 28 August 1937 by Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Working Committee stating that: The whole nation, along with me and Congress working committee members, appeals to you to end the hunger strike and assures you to take up your demands and to see them fulfilled.After a lot of deliberation and discussion, this historic 36-day hunger strike of 200 revolutionary freedom fighters ended.

Though the conflict had a long history, it came out in open in 1959, Nikita Khrushchev sought to appease the West during a period of the Cold War known as 'The Thaw', by holding a summit meeting with U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower.

Shripad Amrit Dange's followers had an overwhelming majority in the National Council and The left fraction section organised their own conference in Tenali, Andhra Pradesh.

In an interview with his party mouthpiece Ganashakti, he made his intentions clear about the quick distribution of surplus land and he further asked for peasant initiative and organized force.

So there were some differences on the part of the strategy to be followed but they were clear on many points such as that India's liberation could be achieved only through China's path, propagation of politics of agrarian struggle among the working class and the peasantry and building up a secret party to prepare cadres for this purpose.

The West Bengal Secretariat condemned the incident and accused Chief Minister Ajoy Mukherjee, an ex-Congressman of laying ‘one sided stress on police measures to maintain law and order’.

The fearsome volatility of Konar was necessary to remove the immobility of the administration and to break the stranglehold of the landed gentry of West Bengal on society and the political establishment in the late sixties.

The amiable Gandhian mode of accommodation of Benoy Choudhury was equally essential in another socio-political setting to carry a large majority of people with him for the success of the massive "Operation Barga".

[22][32][34] Though the United Front came to power with tremendous electoral support, it had to function strictly within the rigid parameters of the Indian Constitution, the established basic laws, judicial review of executive action, and set legal and administrative procedures and practices.

The Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) (u/s 110) allows some sort of public participation for gathering evidence against a person allegedly engaged in "bad livelihood" in order to bind him down for good behavior.

And within a short period of less than three years (1967–70), nearly 1 million acres of land were vested with the state through strictly legal processes, which ultimately stood the scrutiny of the courts of appeal.

[22][35] After the death of Konar in 1974, the land reform movement was carried out by Benoy Choudhury, and after the remarkable victory of the Left Front in the 1977 West Bengal Legislative Assembly election.

[37] In 1974, Konar was diagnosed with neck cancer because of his excessive smoking of cigarettes and cigars, and due to his critical condition, he immediately traveled to the United States for treatment.

His body was in the hall of the PC office, and countless people lined up from 10:00 to 15:00 to pay their last respects, including Indira Gandhi, many other cabinet ministers, and international delegations from North Korea, Vietnam, China, and the Soviet Union.

On July 25, there was a statement published in all the national and state newspapers that:[38][7] In a funeral procession, Calcutta streets had never witnessed such a gathering like this before.Hare Krishna Konar believed Communism was the only doctrine capable of eliminating oppression, which made it an effective source of inspiration for the struggle against the British.

Konar feels that the concept of Ahimsa and nonviolence is an excellent ideal that has surely influenced the Indian independence movement, but it has failed to address its root cause, and such politics will just replace one set of exploiters with another.

[39] While in cellular jail, Konar was an avid reader of Mikhail Bakunin's teachings, as well as Karl Marx, Leo Tolstoy, Maxim Gorky, Nadezhda Krupskaya, and Clara Zetkin.

He was my teacher, and I was his studious student.Despite the differences in ideology, the Prime Minister of India and Congress leader, Indira Gandhi, maintained to seek advice from Konar on land-related decisions.

Even Indira Gandhi once sent Konar to the Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration to conduct a seminar with the professors, faculties, and students about land reform implementation and other agricultural difficulties.