[6] According to researcher Roberto Etchepareborda, his original last name – as opposed to Bernardo de Irigoyen – was Hirigoyen, Hirigoien in Standard Basque, which means "city of the high".

[4] In 1878, at 25 years old, he was elected Provincial Deputy for the Republican Party and sat on the Budget Committee, but his term ended in 1880 as a result of the Federalization of Buenos Aires.

Testimonies from the time signal that he was not a good professor, but his method is of particular interest: he gave his own students responsibility over the classes while he acted as a moderator and observer.

[4] At this time, through the Spanish Krausists Julián Sanz del Río and Francisco Giner de los Ríos, he discovered the works of philosopher Karl Krause, who influenced his thinking considerably.

He purchased and rented estancias in the provinces of Buenos Aires, Córdoba, and San Luis, and fattened cattle to sell them to refrigeration businesses.

[21] In 1889, Yrigoyen moved into a house of his own, facing what is today Plaza Congreso in the City of Buenos Aires, on the street that is now named after him, on the 1600 block.

In November of that year, the National Convention of the Civic Radical Union (UCR) was convened, in which Alem and Yrigoyen made a declaration that called for an armed uprising against the regime.

Domingo Demaría requested Yrigoyen to be provisional governor of the province, but he denied emphatically, believing that he had participated in the revolution to end an illegal government, not to install another one.

Before the insistence of his fellow revolutionaries, he told them, "Neither provisional, nor definitive"[25] After a crisis in the ministry that led to the resignation of several ministers, on 3 July 1893, Luis Sáenz Peña called on Aristóbulo del Valle, who had been retired from politics since the fracture of the Civic Union, to reorganize it.

He also asked Congress to use federal intervention to replace the governors of Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, and San Luis, which were the provinces mostly controlled by the oligarchy.

[27] Given his proximity to the government, del Valle could have staged a coup d'état, as Alem had asked him to, but his legal convictions stopped him from taking action even when it would mean the failure of the revolution.

Colonel Martín Yrigoyen, Hipólito's brother, led 3,500 civilians who after some fighting overthrew Governor Carlos Costa and took the city of La Plata.

[39] However, on the night of Alem's wake, he announced that the loss of his uncle was too grave to be able to lead the party, and he asked those present to return to their provinces of origin until further notice.

[42] There were several signs in early February 1905 that a new radical revolution was coming, and in late January, the revolutionaries left for their destinations throughout the country to begin their revolt.

[52] The long-postponed political change began its process with the arrival to the presidency of Roque Sáenz Peña, an internal opponent of the National Autonomist Party.

The first effects of the law were unexpected for the reformers: radicals and socialists turned out in almost every corner of the country, with the exception of the Province of Buenos Aires, which was fervently controlled by the traditional political apparatus.

But I cannot remember anything comparable to the incredible scene of a Head of State thrown into the arms of his people, carried back and forth by the electrified crowd, to the high seat of honor of the first mandate of his homeland (...).

But all that pales in comparison to the reality of the immense plaza, of the human ocean mad with joy, of the president dedicated to his people with his heart and soul, without guards, without an army, without police.

[66] Yrigoyen had suggested to President Figueroa Alcorta at the time to intervene in fourteen federal states where fraud was still in practice, and had been since the creation of the League of Governors, from which his primary mentors Miguel Ángel Juárez Celman and Julio Argentino Roca came.

Although the UCR won a considerable number of seats in the national legislature, the Senate's slow constitutional turnover meant that the upper chamber did not yet represent the electorate.

[72] Yrigoyen was the nation's first president to sustain a nationalist ideology, convinced that the country had to manage its own currency and credit, and most of all, control over its transports, energy networks, and petroleum exploitation.

Facing the aggressive interventionist policy of the United States in Latin America, he defended his non-interventionist principles, going as far as ordering Argentina's war boats in one case to wave the flag of the Dominican Republic rather than that of the U.S., who had hoisted theirs on the island after the 1916 occupation.

[76] A 1917 homestead law provided for grants of 500 acres of public land in the far north and far south, while from 1919 the National Mortgage Bank was permitted to make funds available for landless farmers to purchase rural property.

In accordance with this decree, "every hall in stores, warehouses, millinery and other commercial establishments must have chairs, provided with backs, equal in number to two-thirds of the female workers employed.

[85] According to a presidential message from 1921 "The Executive Power has dedicated its greatest care to the development of social assistance services, being its constant desire that they correspond to the needs of the population.

An industry with little development, created during World War I but shrunk afterwards, an economic organization that obtained almost all its resources from customs duties, and a budget with a negative balance, among other things, characterized the Argentine economy during the radical period from 1916 to 1930.

[95] In December of that year, U.S. President-elect Herbert Hoover visited Argentina on a goodwill tour, meeting with President Yrigoyen on policies regarding trade and tariffs.

[97] An act of 29 August 1929, which came into force on 12 March 1930, established the eight-hour workday and forty-eight hour workweek for all salaried employees and workers[98] A resolution passed on August 7, 1929, added a registry to the Ministry of Agriculture, whose purpose, as noted by one study, was "to compile and distribute information concerning agricultural lands, such as prices, distance from important market and railway centers, and other data of interest to farm owners and to other persons wishing to purchase land.

[101] Yrigoyen, in his seventies, was also kept uninformed of the true state of the nation by aides who censored his access to news reports of the global depression's impact[citation needed].

[citation needed] The new government of Uriburu adopted the most severe measures to prevent reprisals and counter-revolutionary tactics by friends of the ousted administration.